Civil Society Joint Statement: Let the Sarawakian Diaspora Vote by Postal Ballot

We the undersigned civil society groups (CSGs) call upon the Election Commission (EC) to allow Sarawakians in overseas West Malaysia, Sabah, and even in different regions within Sarawak to vote by postal ballots in the coming Sarawak elections.

This is legally possible by the EC’s own admission and only requires a longer campaign period, which should be a minimum of 21 days considering the geographical spread of Sarawak constituencies.

Postal voting would enable some 50,000-200,000 Sarawakians – according to different estimates – to vote without taking leave and spending hundreds of ringgit to return home. Sabah faces the same problem too.

In the 2006 Sarawak state elections, the average turnout of its 71 seats was a pathetic 61.62%.

In the 2008 federal elections, Sarawak had the nation’s lowest turnout, at average of 58.16% for its 31 seats while Sabah’s 25 seats yielded 63.97%, in sharp contrast with the average turnout of 76.97% for West Malaysia’s 165 seats, If the West Malaysia’s 76.97% turnout was a reasonable benchmark, then by the same calculation, some 172,000 Sarawakians did not vote in the last elections.

The effective disfranchisement of the Sarawakian diaspora and out-of-town voters – who are higher educated, better exposed and more informed in average – has artificially preserved the conservative electoral outlook in rural Sarawak.

The EC Deputy Chairman Datuk Wira Wan Ahmad has revealed in Kuching on March 19 2010 that the EC has employed the Subregulation (3) (1) (f) in the Elections (Postal Voting) Regulation [EPVR], which reads
“a member of any category of persons designated as postal voters by the Election Commission from time to time by notification in the Gazette”
to give police spouses, who are otherwise not entitled, to vote by postal ballots.

We hold that if police spouses are allowed to vote by postal ballots, then the out-of-town Sarawakians will have stronger reasons to be entitled to such facility, unless the EC has an agenda to register police spouses as postal voters and to suppress the vote of Sarawakians.

The EC can set up a few polling centres in Klang Valley, Johor, Penang and Sabah where many Sarawakians reside and a polling centre each for all other states and all overseas missions. The EC can even set up polling centres in major towns in Sarawak for voters from other regions in the state.

The postal ballots will then be counted by the voters’ home constituencies and the totals be added to the ordinary ballots cast in those constituencies.

This is perfectly practicable for the coming Sarawak elections. The granting of postal voting rights to out-of-town Sarawakians requires only a notification in the Gazette, which is published forthnightly. The EC can then allow a week for interested Sarawakians to apply.

In principle, postal voting should be made available to all with valid grounds and mandatory to none. When polling centres at embassies and consulates of our neighbouring countries have been opened for many years to allow their citizens abroad to vote, Malaysia should not be left behind.

Postal ballots for Sarawakian voters do not need month-long inspection and approval process for new registrations. This is because those registered for postal ballots under Subregulation (3)(1)(f) of EVPR remains on the ordinary voter list like other temporary voter groups such as election workers, EC commissioners and civil servants who are out of country temporarily on polling day.

Only absent voters – military voters and their spouses (by choice), civil servants overseas and their spouses, tertiary students overseas and their spouses – and police voters need to be placed under a separate list of postal voters, as stipulated by Subregulation 6(2) of the Elections (Registration of Electors) Regulations.

The Undersigned Groups:
1. Centre for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
2. Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections 2.0 (BERSIH 2.0)
3. Community Action Network (CAN)
4. Council of Churches Malaysia (CCM)
5. Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM)
6. Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH)
7. LLG Cultural Development Centre (LLG)
8. Malaysian Consultative Council of Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Taoism (MCCBCHST)
9. Malaysian Election Observers Network (MEO-Net)
10. Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture (MADPET)
11. National Institute for Democracy and Electoral Integrity( NIEI)
12. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
13. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor and Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
14. Pusat Komas
15. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
16. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)

联合文告:“他们以不同的形式爱国”——谴责警方逮捕人权党成员

隆雪华堂民权委员会、林连玉基金公民社会委员会谴责警方逮捕人权党成员,侵犯公民举行和平集会和行动自由的基本权利。我们认为警方滥权已经到了极其严重的地步,政府必须即刻修改警方法令、成立独立警察投诉与行为不检委员会(IPCMC)以制止警方的滥权。

(图片:MalaysiaKini)

人权党发动的反对《连环扣》车队游行活动,本质上与国庆日挂国旗游行的普通市民活动没有两样,他们仅对所关切的社会议题表态,他们与普通市民一样,以不同的方式爱这个国家。公开表达意见、在公众场合宣传自己的思想,本是民主社会的正常行为,警方屡屡打压公民组织的言论自由权利,无怪乎在最近经济学人公布的民主指数中,马来西亚的排名再次坠跌。

我们呼吁政府严正看待人权党“反对种族主义”的指控和“反对《连环扣》”的诉求。政府应以文明对话方式化解民间的抗议,而非以蛮横镇压的手段使公民组织噤声。我们对被森州警局延扣的22名人权党成员进行绝食感到担忧,基于人道精神和尊重公民的民主权利,政府应马上无条件释放22名人权党党员,否则首相纳吉的“人民优先”口号只会继续被玷污。

追根究底,警察被赋予过大的权利,长久以来的纵容滥权更使警察部队日趋腐败。除了和平集会被镇压外,类似谢振兴、古甘和阿米奴拉昔等警察滥权案件层出不穷。我们促请政府马上废除警察法令第27条,成立独立警察投诉与行为不检委员会,还我国人民基本人权,保障国民的人身安全,避免成为警方滥权的下个受害者。

隆雪华堂民权委员会主席廖国华
林连玉基金公民社会委员会

Civil Society Joint Statement: Drop Charge Against Suhaimi Shafiei, Uphold Citizens’ Freedom of Expression

We, the undersigned organizations, strongly condemn the Attorney General Chamber’s prosecution of Seri Muda Assemblyman Suhaimi Shafiei under the Sedition Act. This is an infringement of Malaysians’ freedom of expression and against the spirit of Article 10 of the Federal Constitution. It also contradicts the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ratified by Malaysia government.

We urge the AG Chamber to drop the charge against Suhaimi Shafiei immediately to show respect of the people’s freedom of expression. We call upon the government to repeal the sedition act and immediately and unconditionally withdraw charges against all persons charged under the draconian sedition act.

As freedom of expression is the foundation of a democratic society, crackdown on free speech only makes check and balance impossible and opens up opportunities for abuse of power and violation of rule of law, bringing our society to a dark age.

Suhaimi has a legitimate right to comment on the appointment of Selangor secretary Khusrin. All citizens – not even exclusive for elected representatives – have right to criticize the decisions and acts of any public institutions – the Executive, the Judiciary, the Legislative, the Election Commission and the Palace – for the health of our democracy, federalism and constitutional monarchy. This is the essence of freedom of expression

We hold that the police report against Suhaimi accusing him of “traitor” is devoid of common sense. What the former Prime Minister Dr. Mahathir has done decades ago with constitutional amendment to curb the royal power was far more serious than Suhaimi’s comment.

The AG Chamber must therefore stop selective prosecution of opposition politicians and netizens on their legitimate comments related to the health of democracy, federalism and constitutional monarchy. It must act independently rather than becomes a tool of political persecution.

We categorically refute the view of Gerakan Kedah Youth Chief Tan Keng Liang that Suhaimi’s case is a “personal case”. The prosecution of Suhaimi is clearly a case of political persecution. We applaud the Selangor State Government for providing legal aid to defend the freedom of expression of its state assemblyperson. It is a noble act to uphold human rights and social justice in the state of Selangor.

Tan must remember, the responsibility of having the Selangor tax payers to pay for the legal cost lies solely with the Barisan Nasional Federal Government, in which his party participates. If conscience can be his guide, Tan should instead demand the BN Federal Government to drop the charge or demand his Gerakan Party to provide legal support.

The Najib Administration must understand that people demand real democratic reform, not a flowery slogan of political propaganda. If the PM is serious about “People First”, he must immediately stop the persecution of Suhaimi, and also abolish all draconian laws designed to control and censor the media.

Endorsing Organizations :
1.    Civil Rights Committee of KL & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall
2.    Civil Society Committee of LLG Cultural Development Centre
3.    Writers Alliance for Media Independence
4.    528 Media Action Group
5.    Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia
6.    Suara Rakyat Malaysia
7.    Malaysians Against Death Penalty and Torture (MADPET)
8.    Perak Youth Graduate Association
9.    All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
10.    Youth Section of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall
11.    Youth for Change
12.    Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
13.    Women’s Aid Organistion
14.    Malaysia Youth & Students Democratic Movement(DEMA)
15.    New Era College Alumni Association
16.    Bahagian Pemuda Persatuan Murid-murid Tua Sekolah Serdang Bharu
17.    Persatuan Komuniti Prihatin Kuala Lumpur & Selangor
18.    Amnesty International Malaysia
19.    Persatuan Alumni PBTUSM Selangor & KL
20.    Pusat Komunikasi Masyarakat (KOMAS)
21.    Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor dan Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
22.    Community Action Network (CAN)
23.    Friends of Suaram Johor

(For Chinese Version, please click: https://klscah.org.my/2011/02/2817.html)

23公民团体联合文告:撤苏海米煽动控状,维护公民言论自由

我们,以下23个公民团体,强烈谴责总检察署援引《煽动法令》提控太子园州议员苏海米。我们认为总检察署的行动已侵犯公民的言论自由权利,乖离联邦宪法第十条的精神,也违反我国政府签署的《1948年世界人权宣言》。

我们促请总检察署即刻撤除苏海米的煽动控状,尊重苏海米和国人的言论自由权利。我们促请政府马上废除煽动法令,也马上和无条件撤销在煽动法令下被提控人士的控状。

(图片:malaysiakini.com)

言论自由是民主的基石,打压言论自由无疑否决监督与制衡的可能,为贪污滥权枉法打开潘多拉的盒子,最终导致社会大倒退。苏海米针对委任雪州秘书古斯林所发表的评论,并无不妥之处,人民有权批评宪法所阐明的任何建制 ——行政权、司法权、立法机构、选举委员会、皇室——的决策与行动,这就是言论自由的精神。

我们认为,报警指责苏海米“叛君”的行为不可理喻。苏海米所做的,远远不及前首相马哈迪当年推动修改宪法,减弱皇室的权力的行动。总检察署必须停止选择性提控在野党与网民,以他们强化民主、联邦制与君主立宪的正当言论入罪。 它不应丧失独立性及成为政治迫害的帮凶。

我们驳斥民政党吉打州青年团团长陈庆亮,苏海米被控煽动绝非“私人案件”,本质上就是政治迫害。我们赞扬雪州政府提供法律援助,维护立法议员言论自由权利,以行动支持民主人权的理念,拨乱反正捍卫社会正义。陈庆亮须知,正是他隶属的国阵政府所进行的政治迫害导致雪州纳税人被逼花钱消灾,陈庆亮若有一丝良心,应施压国阵政府撤销控状,或者由民政党支付苏海米的法律经费。

纳吉政府必须紧记,人民要实质的民主改革,而非徒具口号的政治宣传。政府必须停止打压苏海米及废除所有监控和审查媒体的恶法,如此“人民优先”的口号才有实质意义。

我们,以下23个公民团体,强烈谴责总检察署援引《煽动法令》提控太子园州议员苏海米。我们认为总检察署的行动已侵犯公民的言论自由权利,乖离联邦宪法第十条的精神,也违反我国政府签署的《1948年世界人权宣言》。

我们促请总检察署即刻撤除苏海米的煽动控状,尊重苏海米和国人的言论自由权利。我们促请政府马上废除煽动法令,也马上和无条件撤销在煽动法令下被提控人士的控状。

言论自由是民主的基石,打压言论自由无疑否决监督与制衡的可能,为贪污滥权枉法打开潘多拉的盒子,最终导致社会大倒退。苏海米针对委任雪州秘书古斯林所发表的评论,并无不妥之处,人民有权批评宪法所阐明的任何建制 ——行政权、司法权、立法机构、选举委员会、皇室——的决策与行动,这就是言论自由的精神。

我们认为,报警指责苏海米“叛君”的行为不可理喻。苏海米所做的,远远不及前首相马哈迪当年推动修改宪法,减弱皇室的权力的行动。总检察署必须停止选择性提控在野党与网民,以他们强化民主、联邦制与君主立宪的正当言论入罪。 它不应丧失独立性及成为政治迫害的帮凶。

我们驳斥民政党吉打州青年团团长陈庆亮,苏海米被控煽动绝非“私人案件”,本质上就是政治迫害。我们赞扬雪州政府提供法律援助,维护立法议员言论自由权利,以行动支持民主人权的理念,拨乱反正捍卫社会正义。陈庆亮须知,正是他隶属的国阵政府所进行的政治迫害导致雪州纳税人被逼花钱消灾,陈庆亮若有一丝良心,应施压国阵政府撤销控状,或者由民政党支付苏海米的法律经费。

纳吉政府必须紧记,人民要实质的民主改革,而非徒具口号的政治宣传。政府必须停止打压苏海米及废除所有监控和审查媒体的恶法,如此“人民优先”的口号才有实质意义。

联署团体:
1.      隆雪华堂民权委员会
2.      林连玉基金公民社会委员会
3.      维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟
4.      528媒体行动小组
5.      我是大马之子(SABM)
6.      人民之声(SUARAM)
7.      马来西亚反对死刑与酷刑组织
8.      霹雳大专青年社
9.      妇女行动组织
10.  森美兰中华大会堂青年团
11.  动力青年
12.  雪兰莪社区自强协会
13.  妇女援助中心
14.  马来西亚青年与学生民主运动(学运)
15.  新纪元学院校友会
16.  沙戥新村学校校友会青年团
17.  雪隆社区关怀协会
18.  国际特赦组织马来西亚分会
19.  雪隆理华同学会
20.  社区通讯中心 (KOMAS)
21.  雪隆社区协会 (PERMAS)
22.  社区行动网络 (CAN)
23.  柔佛州人民之友工委会

(英文版本请点击:https://klscah.org.my/2011/02/2820.html

斥代理投票易生弊端,民权委员会欢迎雪州办村长选举

隆雪华堂民权委员会批评选委会 “代理投票”之建议,在现行制度下容易产生弊端及选务混乱,社会各界仍存疑虑,不宜贸然实施。

我们强调,“代理投票”虽在先进民主国家行之有年,但在我国选举制度尚未完备下,极易被操弄,到时浪费公帑,徒增作票空间之余,更违反选举过程之私密性与公平性。

我们吁请选委会与其推动此争议性投票措施,还不如促成修法,全力推动自动选民选民登记,让有符合选民资格的公民自动拥有投票权,如此才是俯顺民意的改革手段。

此外,针对雪州行政议员欧阳捍华日前宣布,当局决定在巴生县的吉胆岛、班达马兰新村和瓜冷县仁嘉隆新村三地实行村长选举,我们对此表示欢迎,并提醒民联各执政州属履行还权予民之承诺,尽速公布地方政府民选时间表。

我们认为,就世界趋势而言,落实由下而上的草根民主,扩大民众参与地方事务,已是民主国家深化民主的一环。纵观许多国家的地方自治发展经验,落实基层选 举,通过让地方住民直接行使选举权,参与地方事务,紧扣公民与地方事务关系,不仅能加强民主深化,更是促进地方发展的重要关键。
隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席廖国华



联合文告:镇压集会钳制宪赋权利,印证纳吉伪善言行不一

我们强烈谴责纳吉政府放任警方镇压日前的“还水予民大集会”。

这种蔑视公民集会自由权利,动辄以催泪弹和化学水炮对付关心国事的手无寸铁公民,甚至逮捕只是身穿红衣的党要,令人慨叹国内民主空间在纳吉掌政期间日益萎缩,也让国人切身感受到国家领导人言论的不一致与荒谬性。

高官显要出巡,大批警力可以站岗护卫,何以换成人民透过集会游行表达意见时,却又动念处处箝制?纳吉上任以来不断高谈改革议程,警政机关与恶法对民主人权却依旧钳制,改革支票兑现无期,就是国阵病入膏肓的最好证明。

人民集会游行与表达自由,乃我国宪赋权利,同时亦为《公民与政治权利国际公约》所确认,无论参与集会游行者所扮演之角色功能为何,都是行使基本人权,当局不应以刑罚相绳。在这种观念下,符合民主潮流的法律,更应该避免出现任何可能侵害人权、违背民主意识的条文。

“警察法令”是威权时代的产物,现已成为执政者用来打压异议的最佳武器,藉由罪妖魔化民主运动来粉饰专制行径。虽然内政部长希山慕丁在2009年11月表示该部正在研究修改警察法令和其他相关法令条文,以允许所有体育场馆的地方举行和平示威一事,但我们认为,这种划定集会游行区域的方式,不过是限缩自由空间的鸟笼民主。

雪州水供问题关乎百姓的切身利益,公民社会已逐渐接受多元分歧与街头运动,不少民众也从历次街头经验中学习认识了民主的现实,认清警察的滥权与不当介入,才是街头暴力的触发剂。对于警方斥责游行导致交通混乱,造成公物遭破坏的说法,我们挑战吉隆坡总警长朱基菲里,请有关方面出示具体事证,否则应停止污蔑示威者为制造混乱的罪魁祸首,并郑重向社会大众道歉。

我们认为,集会游行是民主社会中弱势者的重要发声的管道。既有刑事法典已经足够处理各种集会游行的突发状况。因此,我们主张,政府除了有义务要协助和平的集会游行顺利举行外,更应当废除“警察法令” 第27条文,防止警察施暴与滥权行为继续发生,真正做到尊重民意、还权予民。
隆雪华堂民权委员会主席廖国华
林连玉基金公民社会委员会主任邓荟芬
马来西亚青年与学生民主运动(学运)组织秘书黄翠妮

联合文告:谴责巫青暴力阻槟反内安令活动

我们,以下公民团体,强烈谴责巫青团和光大店商会副主席甘尼阻扰日前在槟城光大大道举办的《在残暴的内安法令下50年系列活动》,推撞工作人员和记者,粗暴对待协商人士等流氓行径。

当天在场的政治部和制服警员无视巫青团暴力叫嚣及破坏秩序,我们感到极度不满。维持社会秩序及国家法治乃警察部队职责,巫青团的暴力行为已侵犯主办单位的宪赋言论自由权利,警方不加以制止是严重失职,槟州总警长必须为此负上全责,惩处涉及警员。

民主社会的不同意见应以和平交流、互相说服和友好协商方式处理,动辄斥诸暴力曝露巫统无法理性与异议者交流,破坏民主竞争规则,这绝非一个曾参与制定国家宪法的政党应有之行为。相反的,主办单位和主讲人希山慕丁莱士(Hishamuddin Rais)大方邀请甘尼上台发表支持内安法令的做法,是尊重异议、维护民主精神的最佳体现。我们促请巫青团长凯里谴责这项暴力行为,并对所有涉及闹场的巫青团员采取纪律行动。

我们认同主办单位的见解,认为内安法令下违反人民权利的无审讯扣留,必须立即废除。内安法令每每遭当权者滥用对付政敌和异议者,50年来的历史发展即为铁证。甘尼指内安法令仅被援引对付“叛徒”和破坏国家者,我们深不以为然,任何控诉必须给予被控者回应的权利,否则将违反自然公正原则,剥夺被扣者的人权。

发起单位:
1)隆雪华堂民权委员会
2)林连玉基金公民社会委员会

联署单位:
1)维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟 WAMI
2)人民之声 SUARAM
3)回教复兴前线(Islamic Renaissance Front, IRF)
4)独立新闻中心(Centre for Independent Journalism, CIJ)

重申人权防警滥权,正是我们的诉求!

针对四名“全民挺明福”运动成员日前在话望生遭逮捕,隆雪华堂民权委员会谴责警方滥权逮捕,否决宪赋表达意见自由,并剥夺相关人士会见律师的权利,同时,也批评马华公会纵容暴力行为,无视该党话望生区会领导涉及竞选总部的肢体冲突事件。

警方援引“选举法令”对“全民挻明福”运动展开逮捕行动,否决公民言论自由,已是滥权之举,再加上一度试图剥夺被扣留者会见律师的权利,曝露出警政单位不尊重人权。尽管首相纳吉于2009年4月上任时,曾承诺推行改革,但至今的侵犯人权事故加剧,并一再发生警方或执法机构滥权的事件,这正是“全民挻明福”运动所强调的诉求。

“全民挻明福” 运动的主要诉求旨在:一、制定人权法令,保障国民安全;二、成立独立警察投诉和行为不检委员会,防止警方滥权;三、支持成立皇家调查委员会,查明赵明福及古纳斯加兰的死因。

这么一个和平、非暴力的民间游说团体,为扣留期间遭遇酷刑的各族群扣留者争取权益,无涉任何朝野政党议程,也并非全国选委会主席阿都阿兹所言“挑起华人不满的情绪”,却遭警方逮捕阻挠,警方职权行使过当之疏失与滥权,选务机关违反中立性,由此可见。

另外,马华话望生区会企图将肢体冲突事件“政治化”,企图扭曲暴力事件的本质,以“政治化”的歪理逃避施暴的责任,对于这种拒绝承担错误的态度,我们予以最强烈的谴责。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席:廖国华

镇压反涨运动漠视民意,把街头还给异议者!

针对警方日前在吉隆坡甘榜克灵芝夜市推介的反涨价运动中,调配大批警力镇压并逮捕人民之声协调员郑文辉和公青团峇都区团团长罗占,隆雪华堂民权委员会、 维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟和林连玉基金公民社会委员会,共同谴责此举已严重侵犯人民的集会自由与言论自由,显示政府推出的津贴合理化计划,不但拒绝听取民意,更是悖离社会期待与诉求。

根据我国联邦宪法第10(1)(b)条文,每个公民拥有参与和平集会的权利,而世界人权宣言第20(1)条文也阐明,人们和平集会的自由理应受到保障。从纳吉上任后的社会事件观之,国人历次的示威活动如何被对待,是否会被随意地冠上“非法集会”标签,警方是否执法过当、滥行逮捕,不啻为检验当局是否具备改革的重要标准。

我们认为,有能力掌控媒体或设定议题的显要人物,无须上街头;利益稳固、权利未受侵害的政商朋党,当然也不用走上街头。但是,对于相对无权无势的弱势团体和异议者,集会游行往往是唯一可以发声的机会。因此,限制或剥夺这些“基层异议者”的集会游行权利,不只是让他们上不了街头,更形同剥夺其作为平等公民的主权者地位,让他们连唯一的有效发声管道都丧失了。

为了打造一个真正尊重宪赋权利的公民社会空间,警察法令应该捍卫人民集游自由和避免其侵犯他人合法权利,而非用以打压人民发声,要求任何的陈情、请愿集会需要事先经由警方批准才可举行。在此,我们促请政府正视民间的民主化诉求,即刻废除《1967年警察法令》第27条。

隆雪华堂民权委员会主席廖国华
维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟主席黄进发
林连玉基金公民社会委员会主任邓荟芬

无诚意废除内安法令,内长须为大逮捕辞职!

隆雪华堂民权委员会、林连玉基金和维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟(WAMI)强烈谴责警方强行驱散全国各地的废除内安法令和平烛光集会、逮捕36人的做法,并呼吁内政部长希山慕丁即刻引咎辞职,为这项侵犯人民宪赋权利的逮捕行动负责。

内政部长希山慕丁曾在今年六月底表示,内安法令修改法案即将提呈国会通过,新的修订法案将保障人民的和平集会权利,并说:“如果在和平的情况下参与集会,我们没有理由以太多限制不允许和平集会”。但是,我们认为,“八〇一大逮捕”已违反当局欲修订内安令的承诺,也曝露出政府漠视民权的虚伪假面。

这些事件,加上2009年反内安法令大集会589人被逮捕,两年内因反对内安法令而被逮捕的人数已高达625人。这个惊人数目显示政府不能容忍普世认同的和平集会权利,显然我国已迈入警察国年代,“人民优先”的口号沦为空谈。

因此,我们要求内政部长希山慕丁和全国总警长对警方一再侵犯人民和平集会权利的立即引咎辞职,以示负责。

自国会在1960年通过内安法令法案,内安法令已存在50年之久,如今这个恶名昭彰的法令却被滥用来打压反对党和异议人士,以维系执联盟的统治地位。在此,我们强烈要求政府无条件废除而非修改已丧失原初目的内安法令。

隆雪华堂民权委员会主席廖国华
维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟主席黄进发
林连玉基金主席杜乾焕


Make May 13 A Day for Peace, Reason and Freedom

On this day which the nation experienced its darkest hours 41 years ago, we the undersigned civil society groups call upon the nation to make May 13 a day to cherish peace, reason and freedom.

We hold that

1.  The May 13 ethnic riot was the most unfortunate episode in Malaysia ’s history in which lives were lost and properties destroyed as politics broke down into violence. We offer our thoughts and prayers to the innocent lives lost and consolation to the victims who survived it.

2.   Thankfully, Malaysia has since moved forward as a nation in denouncing political violence. Post-March 8 attempts to trigger ethno-religious tensions and justify authoritarian controls, such as the cow-head protest in August 2009 and the desecration of houses of worship in January 2010, have been resolutely defeated by condemnation coming from Malaysians of all ethno-religious and socio-cultural backgrounds who treasure peace, reason and freedom.

3.   Any attempts to mock or trigger another May 13 – whether to subdue citizens or to seize power – may end in complete political destruction of the culprits. The trials of Liberia ’s Charles Taylor, Chile’s Augusto Pinochet and Ex-Yugoslavian warlords for mass violation of human rights should serve as a stern reminder to anyone contemplating political violence. A society with zero tolerance for political violence and intimidation of any kind is emerging in Malaysia , especially amongst those of the younger generations. We seek peace and harmony, not in fear, but through dialogues and deliberations in the spirit of mutual respect and openness.

4.   While freedom of speech and freedom of assembly for all political persuasions should be celebrated, any attempt to exploit the anniversary of May 13 to glorify political violence or instil fear is disgraceful and should be shunned by the public. In addition, any commemoration of the tragedy involving state funds and resources must be inclusive in both content and target group.

Endorsing Civil Society Groups:

  1. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran)
  2. All Women’s Action Society Malaysia (AWAM)
  3. Amnesty International Malaysia (AIM)
  4. Annexe Gallery
  5. Bahagian Belia, Gabungan Persatuan-persatuan Bekas Penuntut Sekolah China W.P. & Selangor
  6. Borneo Research Institute Sarawak (BRIMAS)
  7. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
  8. Centre for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
  9. Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
  10. Centre of Education. Research and Development (CEDAR)
  11. Child Development Initiative
  12. Civil Rights Committee, Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
  13. Council of Churches of Malaysia Youth (CCM Youth)
  14. Editorial board of Horizon e-journal
  15. Education and Research Association of Consumer, Malaysia
  16. Educational, Welfare and Research Foundation Malaysia
  17. Federation of Indian Non-Governmental Organisations
  18. Friends in Conversation (FIC)
  19. Friends of Kota Damansara
  20. Frinjan Collective
  21. Gabungan Pertubuhan-pertubuhan Masyarakat India Selangor
  22. Group of Concerned Citizens
  23. Indian Malaysian Active Generation (IMAGE)
  24. Institute for Development of Alternative Living (IDEAL)
  25. Institut Kajian Dasar (IKD)
  26. Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
  27. Jaringan Orang Asal SeMalaysia (JOAS)
  28. Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT)
  29. Johor Tamizhar Sangam
  30. Klang Consumer Association
  31. Kuala Lumpur And Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section (KLSCAH-YS)
  32. Kuala Lumpur Hindu Youth Organisation (KLHYO)
  33. Kuala Lumpur Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
  34. LLG Cultural Development Centre (LLG)
  35. Majlis Kelab Bell Belia Tamil Malaysia
  36. Malaysia Hindu Dharma Mamandram
  37. Malaysia Indian Progressive Educational Society
  38. Malaysia Lekshmi Pooja Meditation Society
  39. Malaysia Tamil Artiste Association
  40. Malaysia Tamil Neri Kalagam
  41. Malaysia Thanavasiya Association
  42. Malaysia Youth and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
  43. Malaysian Archagar Sangam
  44. Malaysian Associated Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry
  45. Malaysian Association of Indian University Graduates
  46. Malaysian Ceylon Saivites Association
  47. Malaysian Dravidian Association
  48. Malaysian Hindu Youth Council
  49. Malaysian Indian Business Association
  50. Malaysian Indian Development & Unity Association
  51. Malaysian Indian Development Association
  52. Malaysian Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
  53. Malaysian Indian Historical Association
  54. Malaysian Indian Youth Development Foundation
  55. Malaysian Tamil Forum
  56. Melaka Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section
  57. Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section
  58. New Era College Alumni Association
  59. New Era College Student Progressive Front
  60. New Era College Media Studies Society
  61. New Era College Student Union
  62. New Millennium Indian Business Association of Malaysia
  63. Penang Du Zhong Education Society
  64. Penang Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
  65. Penggerak Belia Zon23 MPSJ
  66. People’s Parliament
  67. Persahabatan Semparuthi
  68. Persatuan Alumni PBTUSM Selangor & KL
  69. Persatuan Aruloli Mandram , Malaysia
  70. Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM)
  71. Persatuan Kebajikan Dan Sosial Kamakshi Wilayah Utara
  72. Persatuan Kebajikan MGR
  73. Persatuan Kebajikan Namakkal Malaysia
  74. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
  75. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
  76. Persatuan Meditasi Malaysia (Dhyana Ashram)
  77. Persatuan Penduduk Taman Muhibbah
  78. Persatuan Pergabung Tamil Malaysia
  79. Persatuan Seni Rumah Air Panas KL (RAP)
  80. Persatuan Silambam Malaysia
  81. Pertubuhan Kesedaran Hare Krishna Klang
  82. Pusat Komunikasi (KOMAS)
  83. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
  84. Saiva Siddhanta Mandram Malaysia
  85. Sarawak Central Region Friendship Association
  86. Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA)
  87. Sarawak Native Land Rights Owners (TAHABAS)
  88. Sarawakians Access (SACCESS)
  89. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
  90. Selangor Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
  91. Straten Malaysia
  92. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram)
  93. Sundararaja Perumal Devasthanam Klang
  94. Tamilar Sangam, Teluk Intan
  95. The Micah Mandate (TMM)
  96. Thiruvalluvar Nanneri Mayam Cameron Highlands
  97. Thiruvarul Thavaneri Mandram Malaysia
  98. Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO)
  99. World Tamil Federation – Malaysian Chapter
  100. Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
  101. Yayasan Penyelidikan dan Pembangunan Pendidikan Tamil Malaysia (Tamil Foundation)

Endorsing Political Parties:

1. Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR)

警方纵容入村量地,国能破坏互信基础

隆雪华堂民权委员会强烈谴责国能日前在未获任何合法文件或州政府批文下,强行进入万挠新村进行测量工作,警方又悍然纵容这项违法行为,未能有效防止冲突,毋乃太过离谱。

隆雪华堂民权委员会强调,任何对话最重要的是互信基础。国能较早前才释出善意,承诺出席5月7日于雪州政府大厦之会议,并保证不会在这段期间内入村量地,如今这种出尔反尔的做法,已严重损害双方的互信基础。国能诚信荡然无存,警方对违法情事视若无睹,各造未来将难再开启对话。

隆雪华堂认为,接下来国能应正视居民的反对意愿,注重作业透明度和诚信,与居民积极沟通,以制度来化解冲突,以对话来沟通歧异。使出粗暴手腕,轻忽居民的诉求,扼杀他们的居住权利,只会更加激发民怨,无助于解决争议。

隆雪华堂民权委员会主席
廖国华

惩中国报图酿寒蝉效应,纳吉从未展现改革诚意

究竟慕沙哈山是否如《中国报》所报道在3月25日之前呈辞,又或者事情后来才发生新的转变,这一点只有内政部长知情。因为在现有恶法的限制下,媒体根本无法进行独立调查。

倘若报道内容并非属实,只要及时主动更正,就是媒体自律的负责态度。《中国报》的唯一瑕疵,就是未给予慕沙哈山对呈辞新闻的回应权,但何来侵害隐私或破坏政府声誉?

内政部据此开铡、祭出警告信,以要求解释为名,行惩罚媒体之实,必然带来寒蝉效应。这也证明国阵箝制媒体的本质并未改变,箝制新闻自由的恶灵在纳吉上台一周年前夕经已重现。

我国新闻自由是民主社会的重要基石,政府当局必须废除印刷与出版法令底下的出版准证条文,确保媒体自由的空间,让媒体自行透过自律机制来维护媒体编采自由与被报道者权利。

媒体肩负社会责任,理当秉持新闻专业,如有不实造假的报道内容,公民社会将形成舆论挞伐,督促媒体自律。管制媒体的黑手继续长驱直入,《中国报》总编辑被令停职两星期也与此脱不了关系,内政部若搞不清楚这当中的分野,将难以摆脱箝制新闻自由的骂名。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席 廖国华

维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟(WAMI)
主席 黄进发

Civil Society Joint Statement: Make Democracy the Only Game in Town

As a result, Malaysians have benefited tremendously from the vibrant competition between Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. As Pakatan Rakyat advocates “Ketuanan Rakyat” and values like competence, accountability and transparency, Barisan Nasional under Prime Minister Najib Razak has responded with his “1Malaysia” campaign and “Government Transformation Programme”. In brief, Malaysians are enjoying the bonus of democratisation.

Unfortunately, the budding democratisation is also threatened by some politicians from both sides of the divide who refuse to accept “democracy as the only game in town” and try to subvert or undermine the voters’ verdict through some or all of these four unscrupulous means: (a) defection and change of government without fresh elections; (b) politically-motivated investigation, prosecution, harassment and detention of opposition leaders, civil society activists, journalists and bloggers; (c) discrimination in development funding against opposition-run state governments and opposition-won constituencies; (d) media campaign to play up ethno-religious sentiments and to delegitimize the opposition.

These undemocratic acts disrupt our public life and threaten political stability. The latest defection and quitting of PKR lawmakers are both a betrayal to their voters and an assault to Malaysia’s party system. Malaysia would be in total chaos and may witness coups if popular mandate can be ignored and violated at whim.

On the 2nd anniversary of March 8 election, we the undersigned civil society groups call upon all political parties to respect the voters’ verdict and demand for competitive politics made on March 8 2008. We urge them to promise the following six basic reforms in their present or future capacity as federal and state governments.

1. That Article 48(6) of the Federal Constitution and similar provisions in state constitutions be amended to allow elected representatives resign and re-contest when they disagree with their party.

2. That “recall elections” be introduced so that voters may sack elected representatives who underperform or betray their mandate.

3. That the Federal Government respects the spirit of federalism and treat all state governments and members of parliament without discrimination regardless of party affiliation in term of grants, subsidies, royalties, allowance, support etc.

4. That State Governments treat all state assemblypersons without discrimination regardless of party affiliation in term of allowance and support;

5. That the Federal Government and the state governments amend the Federal Constitution and all the related laws to facilitate the conduct of local governments elections so that all parties may have the opportunity to win representation in local governments.

6. That all anti-human rights legislations be repealed and all politically-motivated investigation and prosecution be stopped immediately.

We also call upon all Malaysians to pursue these demands with both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat. We call upon all eligible Malaysians who have not registered as voters to do so immediately.

We must defend the fruit of March 8 and defeat all attempts to roll back the democratisation process. Come next elections, let us cast our votes based on the coalitions’ fulfilment of or commitments to these demands.

Let us reclaim our country and make democracy the only game in town.

Endorsing Civil Society Groups:
1. Academy of Tamil Studies
2. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran)
3. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
4. Astronomical Research Society of Selangor
5. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
6. Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
7. Centre of Education. Research and Development (CEDAR)
8. Child Development Initiative
9. Civil Right Committee, Kuala Lumpur & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
10. Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform (CSI @ Parliament)
11. Council of Churches Malaysia (CCM)
12. Council of Temples Malaysia
13. Editorial Board of Horizon E-journal
14. Education and Research Association of Consumer, Malaysia
15. Federation of Indian Non-Governmental Organisations
16. Friends in Conversation (FIC)
17. Gabungan Pertubuhan-pertubuhan Masyarakat India Selangor
18. Gerakan Maju Mahasiswa UPM (GMM UPM)
19. Global Tamil Forum Malaysian Chapter
20. Group of Concerned Citizens
21. Indian Builders Association of Malaysia
22. Indian Malaysian Active Generation (IMAGE)
23. Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
24. Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM)
25. Johor Tamizhar Sangam
26. Kelab Bell Belia Selangor
27. Klang Consumer Association
28. Kuala Lumpur & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section
29. Kuala Lumpur Hindu Youth Organisation (KLHYO)
30. Kuala Lumpur Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
31. LLG Cultural Development Centre Bhd (LLG)
32. Majlis Kelab Bell Belia Tamil Malaysia
33. Malaysia Arulneri Thirukootam
34. Malaysia Hindu Associates of Graduates
35. Malaysia Hindu Dharma Mamandram
36. Malaysia Indian Progressive Educational Society
37. Malaysia Lekshmi Pooja Meditation Society
38. Malaysia Tamil Artiste Association
39. Malaysia Tamil Neri Kalagam
40. Malaysia Thanavasiya Association
41. Malaysia Youth and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
42. Malaysian Association of Indian University Graduates
43. Malaysian Dravidian Association
44. Malaysian Indian Business Association
45. Malaysian Indian Development & Unity Association
46. Malaysian Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
47. Malaysian Indian Historical Association
48. Malaysian Indian Youth Development Foundation
49. MalaysianVoters Union (MALVU)
50. Nationwide Human Development And Research Centre
51. Penang Du Zhong Education Society
52. Penang Hindu Saba
53. Penang Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
54. Penang Watch
55. Penggerak Belia Zon 23 MPSJ
56. Persahabatan Semparuthi
57. Persatuan Alumni Han Chiang Pulau Pinang
58. Persatuan Alumni PBT USM Selangor
59. Persatuan Aruloli Mandram, Malaysia
60. Persatuan kebajikan Artis-artis (T) Perak
61. Persatuan Kebajikan Dan Sosial Kamakshi Wilayah Utara
62. Persatuan Kebajikan Masyarakat dan Sosial Kaum India
63. Persatuan Kebajikan MGR
64. Persatuan Kebajikan Namakkal Malaysia
65. Persatuan Kelab Bell Belia Johor Bahru
66. Persatuan Kemajuan Pendidikan Malaysia
67. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
68. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
69. Persatuan Meditasi Malaysia (Dhyana Ashram)
70. Persatuan Penduduk Taman Muhibbah
71. Persatuan Prihatin Belia Malaysia
72. Persatuan Sangkara Malaysia
73. Persatuan Seni kebudayaan Thamil, Pulau Pinang
74. Persatuan Silambam Malaysia
75. Persatuan Vallalaar Anbu Nilayam
76. Pusat KOMAS (KOMAS)
77. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
78. Rudra Devi Samaj Malaysia
79. Saiva Sivaneri Mandram Malaysia
80. Sarawak Central Region Friendship Association
81. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia (SABM)
82. Selangor Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
83. Serdang Bharu School Alumni Youth Section
84. Seremban Tamilar Sangam
85. Solidariti Mahasiswa Malaysia (SMM)
86. SOS (Save ourselves), Penang
87. Student Progressive Front NEC (SPF NEC)
88. Student Progressive Front USM (SPF USM)
89. Student Progressive Front UUM (SPF UUM)
90. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
91. Tenaganita
92. The Micah Mandate (TMM)
93. The New Millennium Indian Business Association of Malaysia
94. Thiruvalluvar Nanneri Mayam Cameron Highlands
95. Thiruvarul Thavaneri Mandram Malaysia
96. Wanita Berdaya Harapan Negara (WIRDA)
97. Workers Organisation of Malaysia (WO)
98. World Tamil Federation – Malaysian Chapter
99. Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
100. Yayasan Penyelidikan dan Pembangunan Pendidikan Tamil Malaysia (Tamil Foundation)

肯定槟雪恢复地方选举,呼吁隆市府先直选

现代民主政治,植基于地方自治,而地方自治之推行,则从民选举始。“面对国际社会的激烈竞争,朝野如何因应时代脉动及民众的吁求,打造一个高行政效能、廉洁透明的治理环境,实为当务之急。除了恢复地方层级的选举外,直辖市长的民选,对于整体竞争力提升,也是非常重要的一环。因此,有关方面亟需展现‘还政于民’的诚意与决心,持续推动政经利民的改革手段。

时值308政治海啸二周年,为恢复地方政治的正常化,建议从选举划分的改进、政治竞争的导正、阳光法制的立法,及公民社会的建构等四个层面齐头并进,以落实主权在民,顺利达致民主转型的目标。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席廖国华

124党团首度发联合声明,谴责纵火行为促理性对话

包括回教组织在内的130个马来西亚的党团,在隆雪华堂召开记者会发表联合声明,谴责昨天发生的三宗教堂纵火事件。他们认为,如今的悲惨局面,皆因政府不负责任的回应后所致,政府在这宗事件上采取双重标准。

他们也谴责任何一个试图操控种族宗教情绪以获得政治利益者。

“我们也对一些人通过媒体,以他们的不满推动他们的议程,感到遗憾,他们回避了真正涉及宗教自由的宪赋权利的课题。”

在傍晚六时,连署的民间团体从原本的119个,增加至125个。

反对用内安法令对付肇事者

尽管他们期望警方正勤劳且专业的方式揪出肇事者。在肇事者缉捕归案之前,纳吉政府的形象以及他的“一个马来西亚”口号都一直会与暴力和恐怖主义挂钩。尽管如此,我们拒绝政府以《1960年内安法令》对付任何人。政府必须将肇事者控上法庭。

这群来自不同宗教、文化和意识形态背景的民间组织,今天毫无条件地强烈谴责教堂纵火案。同时,他们声援吉隆坡的神召会教堂(Metro Tabernacle A/G)、靠近阿松大(Assunta)医院的息焉堂(Church of the Assumption)、八打灵再也17区的生命堂(Life Chapel)以及其他受到恐吓的教堂,以及马来西亚的基督教和天主教社群。

他们认为,没有任何理由足以合理化任何人在教堂作出如此挑衅的暴力行为,这已构成恐怖行为。尽管如此,这种暴力行为不应被视为回教徒和基督教/天主教徒之间的冲突,这种行为皆冒犯了回教以及基督教/天主教。

昨天,在雪隆一带,共有三间教堂遭人抛掷汽油弹纵火,其中以位于Desa Melawati 的神召会的情况最为严重。教堂严重烧毁。

不同意见者理性对话

正当我们在庆祝言论自由时,人们不应该举行威胁其他异议者的集会。

这对我们致力打造的和谐、多元种族和多元社会来说都是个污点。这等同于对法治精神和司法机构的攻击,司法制度应该在无畏无惧的情况下审理案件。

他们要求所有持有不同想法的人士,通过理性的对话达到共识。

“对一个民主的社会来说,没有课题是敏感的,不应用这类暴力威胁行为谋杀民主辩论。”

他们要求所有马来西亚人一起:一、谴责在任何时候亵渎任何膜拜场所的行为;二、创造一个健康的环境以进行包容性的辩论、对话、深思和解决涉及我们的多元种族、信仰国家的课题。

“无论发生什么事情,马来西亚人应该站稳自己作为一个和平爱好者的立场,并且互相扶持。”

以下是联署团体:
1. Aliran Kesedaran Rakyat (Aliran)
2. All Women’s Action Society
3. Awal Nahdah
4. Bar Council Malaysia
5. Borneo Research Institute Sarawak (BRIMAS)
6. Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
7. Centre of Education. Research and Development (CEDAR)
8. Child Development Initiative
9. Civil Rights Committee, Kuala Lumpur Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC KLSCAH)
10. Civil Society Committee of LLG Cultural Development Centre Bhd (LLGCSC)
11. Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform ([email protected])
12. Council of Churches of Malaysia (CCM)
13. Council of Churches of Malaysia Youth (CCM Youth)
14. Durham Malaysian Scholars
15. Editorial Board of Horizon E-journal
16. Education and Research Association of Consumer, Malaysia (ERA Consumer)
17. Educational, Welfare and Research Foundation Malaysia
18. Federation of Hopo Associations Malaysia
19. Federation of Indian Non-Governmental Organisations
20. Free Public Forum (FPF)
21. Friends in Conversation (FIC)
22. Frin Jan
23. Gabungan Pertubuhan-pertubuhan Masyarakat India Selangor
24. Group of Concerned Citizens (GCC)
25. Hindu Rights Action Force (Hindraf)
26. Indian Malaysian Active Generation (IMAGE)
27. Institut Kajian Dasar (IKD)
28. Institute for Development of Alternative Living (IDEAL)
29. Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
30. Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM)
31. Jaringan Kampung Orang Asli Perak (JKOAP)
32. Jaringan Orang Asal SeMalaysia Sarawak (JOAS)
33. Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT)
34. Johor Tamizhar Sangam
35. Kesatuan Mahasiswa Indipenden (KAMI)
36. Klang Consumer Association
37. Kuala Lumpur Hindu Youth Organisation (KLHYO)
38. Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Hopo Association
39. Kuala Lumpur Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
40. Kuen Cheng Alumni Kuala Lumpur
41. Majlis Kelab Bell Belia Tamil Malaysia
42. Malaysia Hindu Dharma Mamandram
43. Malaysia Indian Progressive Educational Society
44. Malaysia Lekshmi Pooja Meditation Society
45. Malaysia Tamil Artiste Association
46. Malaysia Tamil Neri Kalagam
47. Malaysia Thanavasiya Association
48. Malaysian AIDS Council
49. Malaysian Archagar Sangam
50. Malaysian Associated Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry
51. Malaysian Association of Indian University Graduates
52. Malaysian Ceylon Saivites Association
53. Malaysian Consultative Council for Buddhism Christianity Hinduism Sikhism and Taoism (MCCBCHST)
54. Malaysian Dravidian Association
55. Malaysian Hindu Youth Council
56. Malaysian Indian Business Association
57. Malaysian Indian Development & Unity Association
58. Malaysian Indian Development Association
59. Malaysian Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
60. Malaysian Indian Historical Association
61. Malaysian Indian Youth Development Foundation
62. Malaysian Tamil Forum
63. Middle Eastern Graduate Society
64. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN)
65. Muslim Professionals Forum (MPF)
66. National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI)
67. Oriental Hearts and Minds Institute (OHMSI)
68. Penang Du Zhong Education Society
69. Penang Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
70. Penggerak Belia MPSJ Zon 23
71. Persahabatan Semparuthi
72. Persatuan Alumni PBTUSM Selangor
73. Persatuan Aruloli Mandram, Malaysia
74. Persatuan Kebajikan Dan Sosial Kamakshi Wilayah Utara
75. Persatuan Kebajikan MGR
76. Persatuan Kebajikan Namakkal Malaysia
77. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
78. Persatuan Mahasiswa Islam Universiti Malaya (PMIUM)
79. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
80. Persatuan Meditasi Malaysia (Dhyana Ashram)
81. Persatuan Meditasi Projan Kuala Lumpur and Selangor
82. Persatuan Penduduk Taman Muhibbah
83. Persatuan Pergabung Tamil Malaysia
84. Persatuan Silambam Malaysia
85. Pertubuhan Kesedaran Hare Krishna Klang
86. Pusat KOMAS
87. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
88. Robson Hill Study Group
89. Saiva Siddhanta Mandram Malaysia
90. Sarawak Central Region Friendship Association
91. Sarawak Dayak Iban Association (SADIA)
92. Sarawak Native Land Rights Owners (TAHABAS)
93. Sarawak Women for Women Society
94. Sarawakians Access (SACCESS);
95. Saya Anak Bangsa Malaysia
96. Selangor and Kuala Lumpur Kwang Tung Association
97. Selangor Indian Entrepreneurs and Professionals
98. Sisters In Islam (SIS)
99. Southeast Asian Centre for e-Media (SEACEM)
100. SPNS, Bidor
101. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
102. Sundararaja Perumal Devasthanam Klang
103. Tamilar Sangam, Teluk Intan
104. TENAGANITA
105. The Micah Mandate (TMM)
106. The New Millennium Indian Business Association of Malaysia
107. Thiruvalluvar Nanneri Mayam Cameron Highlands
108. Thiruvarul Thavaneri Mandram Malaysia
109. Universiti Terbuka Perak (Ureka)
110. Wanita Desa Sarawak (WADESA)
111. Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO)
112. World Tamil Federation – Malaysian Chapter
113. Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
114. Yayasan Penyelidikan dan Pembangunan Pendidikan Tamil Malaysia (Tamil Foundation)
115. Youth for Change (Y4C)
116. Youth Section of Melaka Chinese Assembly Hall
117. Youth Section of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall
118. Youth Section of Selangor and Kuala Lumpur Chinese Assembly Hall
119. Youth Section of Persatuan Wui Leng Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur.

联署政党:
1. 民主行动党
2. 社会主义党
3. 回教党
4. 人民公正党
5. 马来西亚人权党

Perutusan Masyarakat Madani Sempena Hari Malaysia

Kepelbagaian dan perbezaan pendapat adalah tanda-tanda kemerdekaan yang sebenar

Kami, amat menghargai kepelbagaian di Malaysia daripada segi etnik, agama, bahasa, kebudayaan, sosioekonomi, jantina, dan gaya hidup serta fizikalnya. Oleh demikian, kami tidak akan berpura-pura bahawa adanya satu Malaysia yang akan memenuhi harapan dan aspirasi seluruh masyarakat Malaysia. Kami bangga dengan wawasan kami sendiri untuk Negara dan dalam masa yang sama kami menghormati wawasan pihak yang lain.

Kami melihat kepelbagaian kecenderungan dan variasi pendapat dalam konteks bagaimana Negara ini patut maju ke hadapan adalah satu kemestian dan keperluan – Kemestian kerana kita bebas untuk memilih; Keperluan kerana kita mempunyai pelbagai alternatif yang dapat dipertimbangkan. Kepelbagaian dan perbezaan pendapat adalah tanda-tanda keindahan kemerdekaan yang sebenar.

Kami yakin, walau bagaimanapun seluruh warga Malaysia, ahli politik dan pengundi mesti bersama-sama berkongsi satu matlamat utama iaitu pemansuhan keganasan politik.

Keganasan politik mengancam kemerdekaan kita

Keganasan politik merujuk kepada segala perbuatan untuk mencapai matlamat politik dengan cara mengakibatkan kesengsaraan kepada pihak lain ataupun menindas mereka dengan zalim. Perkara ini adalah berbeza sekali daripada pengamalan kebebasan bersuara, berhimpun dan berpersatuan di mana ketidakadilan atau kezaliman tidak disuarakan, dilaksanakan dan dijadikan satu modal ancaman.

Keganasan politik adalah lebih teruk daripada pencabulan keamanan kerana kezaliman politik adalah pengeksploitasian pihak yang lemah dan minoriti. Ia menafikan mangsa-mangsa kezaliman politik hak untuk turut sama menyertai proses pembinaan masyarakat dan menghalang kewujudan keputusan bersama melalui penggunaan akal yang rasional.

Bahkan, kezaliman politik adalah teras penjajahan kerana ia menjadi instrumen bagaimana sistem penjajahan dikenakan ke atas kita. Kemerdekaan Negara dalam konteks ini hanyalah bererti apabila seluruh warganegara bebas daripada penerusan penjajahan kezaliman dan dapat mempraktikan kebebasan serta dapat menggunakan akal yang rasional dalam kehidupan seharian.

Empat prinsip dalam Memperkasakan Keamanan

Dalam hal ini, keamanan berbaur ketakutan yang menjadi punca penghalang penyertaan penuh kita dalam hal ehwal awam merupakan keamanan yang palsu.

Keamanan yang sejati hendaklah bersifat memperkasa dan menyeluruh untuk membolehkan seluruh warga Malaysia menyumbang dan menikmati hidup bernegara. Keamanan yang tulen menghendaki kedaulatan undang-undang dan perlindungan hak-hak asasi manusia. Oleh sebab itu, ia sememangnya bersifat politik namun sama sekali bukan politik kepartian.

Kami, menyeru seluruh pertubuhan dan warganegara Malaysia terutamanya ahli politik dan parti-parti politik untuk berpegang kepada prinsip-prinsip berikut:

1. Toleransi sifar kepada kezaliman sebagai medium politik

Hidup berketamadunan memerlukan keupayaan mengawal diri. Konflik-konflik yang timbul haruslah ditangani secara aman menerusi dialog, perbincangan secara menyeluruh dan proses tindakan guaman menurut saluran perundangan. Hendaklah kita mempunyai sikap toleransi sifar terhadap ugutan ataupun desakan keganasan sebagai medium politik tanpa mengira keadaan mahupun perkara.

Dalam konteks ini, perbuatan keji yang telah dilakukan oleh beberapa individu yang tidak bertanggungjawab yang terlibat dalam “protes kepala lembu” semestinya didakwa kerana mencetuskan keganasan, dan bukannya kerana hasutan mahupun perhimpunan haram. Samseng-samseng yang mengugut untuk merogol Rodziah Ismail dan membunuh Khalid Samad yang dipilih sebagai wakil rakyat sah di Shah Alam, hendaklah disiasat and ditangkap atas dakwaan ugutan jenayah. Ugutan keganasan seksual, norma biasa di dalam banyak konflik masyarakat, adalah membimbangkan dan sama sekali tidak boleh diterima.

2. Melawan kebencian dengan hujah

Kebencian wujud dalam setiap masyarakat dan hanya akan dapat dihapuskan secara efektif dengan hujah dan akal yang rasional, bukanlah dengan undang-undang. Dengan mengambil kira keadaan masyarakat yang peka dan merangsangkan, kedangkalan ucapan yang penuh dengan kebencian boleh didedahkan dan pelakunya dimalukan. Penindasan melalui penggunaan undang-undang hanya melemahkan tindak balas masyarakat terhadap kebencian dengan menidakkan keperluan daya intelektual dan keberanian moral dalam berhadapan dengan ketaksuban.

Pencabulan terbaru terhadap Malaysiakini oleh Suruhanjaya Komunikasi dan Multimedia Malaysia (SKMM) kerana menyiarkan klip video “protes kepala lembu” dan sidang akhbar Menteri Dalam Negeri yang mempertahankan perbuatan tersebut bukan sahaja melanggar kebebasan bersuara, tetapi juga melindungi keganasan daripada kecaman masyarakat.

3. Tanggungjawab kerajaan untuk melindungi penyertaan politik

Kerajaan yang memonopoli hak sah penggunaan kekerasan hanya perlu wujud demi melindungi rakyat daripada kekerasan individu dan tidak menggunakan kekerasan lebih daripada apa yang sewajarnya. Kuasa untuk menghukum dan melaksanakan paksaan yang dimiliki kerajaan sama sekali tidak harus digunakan terhadap aktiviti politik yang bersifat aman. Sebaliknya, kerajaan mempunyai tanggungjawab untuk mempertahankan hak penyertaan politik dikalangan rakyat.

Daripada menahan secara rambang 160 orang peserta demonstrasi 1BLACKMalaysia, para peguam yang bertugas, 589 peserta demonstrasi anti-ISA dan juga bukan peserta yang berada disekitarnya, mereka yang anti-PPSMI, peserta demonstrasi Kampung Buah Pala dan Hindraf, begitu juga dengan menggunakan kekerasan yang tidak perlu; pihak polis sebaliknya lebih patut mengawal trafik dan membantu mengekalkan ketenteraman. Kerana akhirnya, perjuangan yang laungkan oleh para peserta demonstrasi ini akan dinilai keabsahannya oleh rakyat, dan bukannya polis maupun pihak eksekutif.

4. Mempertahankan kerajaan yang dipilih

Ancaman keganasan politik menjadi isu besar apabila tokoh-tokoh politik memilih jalan selain proses pilihan raya untuk mendapatkan kuasa pemerintahan. Demokrasi adalah satu-satunya jaminan kepada kestabilan politik dan keamanan. Ahli-ahli dan parti-parti politik hendaklah melakukan yang terbaik untuk memenangi pilihan raya secara telus dan jujur, dan bukanlah merampas kuasa selepas pilihan raya. Jika tidak, kehancuran sistem demokrasi akan mengundang rampasan kuasa dan revolusi.

Rampasan kuasa di Perak memperlihatkan sebuah kerajaan yang telah dipilih oleh rakyat digulingkan oleh institusi seperti Badan Pencegah Rasuah (BPR) Malaysia, Suruhanjaya Pilihan Raya (SPR), pihak Mahkamah, pihak birokrasi dan polis yang dilantik. Siasatan berpihak BPR Malaysia di Selangor dalam suasana Barisan Nasional menyuarakan hajat untuk mengambil alih kerajaan negeri telah membawa kepada kematian Teoh Beng Hock, pegawai kerajaan negeri yang pertama ditahan di bawah agensi persekutuan. Sekiranya tiada komitmen daripada kedua-dua belah pihak dalam dunia politik dalam mempertahankan demokrasi, pilihan raya akan datang sudah tentu memperlihatkan tentera menjadi institusi seterusnya diheret dalam pertentangan politik.

Pada hari kelahiran Malaysia yang bertuah ini, yang sepatutnya dijadikan cuti umum negara 46 tahun lalu, marilah bersama-sama kita memperkasakan keamanan yang menjadi asas kehidupan negara kita agar seluruh rakyat dapat menikmati kebebasan yang sebenar.

Kami yang menandatangani perisytiharan ini:
1. 1BLACKMalaysia Facebook Page and Group
2. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran)
3. All Women’s Action Society Malaysia (AWAM)
4. Amnesty International Malaysia
5. Awal Nahdah Resources
6. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
7. Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
8. Centre for Public Policy Studies (CPPS)
9. Civil Rights Committee, Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
10. Civil Society Committee, LLG Cultural Development Centre (LLG-CSC)
11. Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform ([email protected])
12. Council of Churches of Malaysia Youth Network
13. Durham Malaysian Scholars
14. Gabungan Bertindak Mahasiswa Utara(GBMU)
15. Group of Concerned Citizens (GCC)
16. Institut Kajian Dasar (IKD)
17. Institute for Development of Alternative Living (IDEAL), Sibu
18. Islamic Renaissance Front (IRF)
19. Jaringan Orang Asal Semalaysia (JOAS)
20. Jawatankuasa Penduduk Zon 23 MPSJ
21. Justice for Beng Hock Facebook Page and Group
22. Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth Section (KLSCAH-YS)
23. Kumpulan Aktivis Mahasiswa Independen (KAMI)
24. Malaysia Youth and Student Democratic Movement (DEMA)
25. Malaysian AIDS Council
26. Malaysian Indian Development Association
27. Middle Eastern Graduate Centre (Magc)
28. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN)
29. Muslim Professionals Forum (MPF)
30. National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI)
31. Oriental Hearts and Mind Study Institute (OHMSI)
32. Pahlawan Volunteers
33. Partners of Community Organisations, Sabah (PACOS)
34. Penang Du Zhong Education Society
35. Penggerak Belia Zon 23 MPSJ
36. Persatuan Alumni PBTUSM Selangor
37. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
38. Persatuan Meditasi Projan KL & Selangor
39. Persatuan Penduduk Taman Muhibbah Seri Kembangan
40. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
41. Sarawak Central Region Friendship Association
42. Semparuthi Iyakkam
43. Sisters in Islam (SIS)
44. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram)

还学术自由净土,马大校长须道歉

大学作为人文精神的策源地,无疑是辩论精神制度化最理想的温床。有关“908马大辩论海啸”表演赛的从政嘉宾立场不同,但是他们以各自的专业对时事鞭辟入理的分析,确实对社会产生震聋发瞶的效果。广纳百川,抗拒各种外力对学术人格的斲伤,全力维护学术自由的校风,马大校方应为所当为。

高教部近年多次宣称将修改《大专法令》,以让学生拥有更多的言论及结社自由,各大专校方亦表示支持高教部的决定;然而大学却频频发生学生被打压事件,不禁令人质疑大专校方的立场,以及高教部的诚意。高教部长莫哈末卡立、副部长何国忠有必要对此向社会大众清楚说明。

世界顶尖大学排名榜的各项指标皆有客观标准,我们认为,一流大学的内涵及其愿景,除了致力知识创新,应协助学生生命成长,弘扬社会正义。否则,只盲目追求世界排名,重视大学的工具性角色,牺牲了大学的本质性功能,流弊所及,将沦为替政经结构中既得利益阶级服务的学术工厂。

校园民主与学术自由是追求学术发展或成就必备的基本条件。这起事件,已经为我国人权纪录划上另一个污点,并让已经倍受非议的我国大专教育进一步蒙羞。因此,我们要求:

一、政府公布废除《1971年大专法令》的时间表,停止我国大专院校打压学生的事件重复的上演,以归还大专生基本权利,维护学府自主尊严;

二、 校方应该多花心思以正视如何改善我国的教育问题,而非一而再的让政治干预教育。

发起单位:

1. 隆雪华堂民权委员会
2. 维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟(WAMI)

联署单位:

1. 雪隆理华同学会
2. 《视角》人文思想社会电子评刊编委会
3. 马来西亚兴汉社
4. 霹雳文艺研究会
5. 霹雳山城舌战擂台
6. 怡保小绿洲图书馆
7. 霹雳大专青年社
8. 霹雳乡土古迹学会

Hishamuddin must resign as Home Minister for condoning violence and hatred

The most important issue in the cow-head incident is the threat of violence against the Shah Alam Hindu community and the Selangor State Government. The police must investigate not on the vaguely defined Sedition Act, but on whether the protesters had threatened bloodshed if the temple relocation was carried out. The lame excuse that the cow head was brought by unknown persons is completely irrelevant.

Nobody must be allowed to threaten with violence just because they feel “victimised”. Anyone who does so must be punished by law. Otherwise, society would sink into anarchy.

By suggesting that “if it can be resolved quickly and can be done with both sides understanding each other … … why would we want to penalise anybody?”, Hishammuddin is therefore encouraging the threat of violence as a means to negotiate.

A Home Minister by portfolio and a lawyer by training, Hishamuddin has brought both his office and profession to unprecedented shame with his disregard of law. By turning the Minister of Law and Order into the Minister against Law and Order, there are no two ways but for him to resign or be sacked.

The Prime Minister must now act boldly to keep his promise last Friday that actions would be taken against the perpetrators who incited violence. If the police refused to investigate them and the Deputy Public Prosecutor refused to charge them on violence, Malaysians would get the impression that such threats of violence are condoned by the Najib administration as a political means.

Hishamuddin’s justification of the cow-head protest by painting the perpetrators as victims is also legitimising and indirectly encouraging communal hatred. This can be explosive if it results in retaliating insults across communities, as all can claim to feeling victimised. He is also further tarnishing Malaysia’s image that Malaysian ministers legitimize hatred by sympathizing with the perpetrators.

This is most unfortunate when over 70 civil society groups representing different ethno-religious communities and sectors have issued a joint Merdeka message calling all Malaysians to delegitimize violence and hatred.

With Hishamuddin’s reprehensible statement, we call upon more groups and individuals to endorse the Civil Society Joint Merdeka Message. Group endorsement can be sent to [email protected] while individuals can endorse it online at http://www.petitiononline.com/2009MM/petition.html.

Initiated by:
1. Civil Right Committee, Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall(CRC-KLSCAH)
2. People’s Parliament
3. Civil Society Committee, LLG Cultural Development Centre
4. Centre for Policy Initiatives(CPI)
5. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (EMPOWER)
6. The Micah Mandate
7. Writer Alliance For Media Independence(WAMI)
8. Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform(CSI @ Parliament)
9. Justice For Beng Hock Facebook Group
10. Centre for Independent Journalism(CIJ)
11. Suara Rakyat Malaysia(SUARAM)
12. All Women’s Action Society Malaysia(AWAM)
13. IMAGE Group
14. HINDRAF
15. Council of Malaysian Indian Trustee
16. Persatuan Kebajikan Wawasan Cahaya Selangor
17. Persatuan Bharatham Negeri Selangor
18. Malaysia Youth and Student Democratic Movement(DEMA)
19. Editorial Board of Horizon e-journal
20. Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia(JIM)
21. Sisters in Islam(SIS)

Civil Society Joint Statement:A Royal Commission of Inquiry on Beng Hock’s Death

Instead of appointing a Royal Commission of Inquiry (RCI) to study Beng Hock’s death and the role of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission’s structural and institutional flaws in the tragedy, Najib has smartly tasked the RCI to study only the investigative procedures and left the investigation of Beng Hock’s death to an inquest which will be headed by only a magistrate.

No right-thinking Malaysians will believe that a magistrate – who is technically a bureaucrat rather than part of the Judiciary and whose appointment is in the hand of the Attorney General – can unearth the truth behind Beng Hock’s torture and death?

Najib has also defied the popular calls for the suspension of involved MACC officers and for the ratification of the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.

We categorically demand Najib on the following matters:

1. That the Royal Commission of Inquiry shall investigate the death of Beng Hock in entirety, including the real reasons why a bridegroom-to-be be interrogated for 11 hours over a small sum of RM 2,400, and not just the investigative procedures. Flawed investigative procedures are only the weapon, not the murderer. The RCI’s term of reference must first and foremost include ascertaining if selective and politically-motivated investigation had caused the breach or abuse of the investigative procedures that led to the torture and subsequent death of Beng Hock. The nation demands to know who are responsible in the blatant abuse of MACC itself to the extent a witness had to be tortured and found dead mysteriously over an allegation of mere RM 2,400. The culprits must be held responsible and charged. The RCI must have power to call upon other alleged victims of selective investigation and torture by MACC and its predecessor the Anti-Corruption Agency (ACA), including Halimi Kamaruzzaman and Tan Boon Hwa.

2. That the Royal Commission of Inquiry must be appointed based on a cross-party consensus to ensure its integrity and credibility. Alternatively, the chair and half of the remaining commissioners must be nominated by the Parliamentary Opposition Pakatan Rakyat. Explicit criteria based on wide consultation must be established. It should include an internationally renowned retired judge from home or other Commonwealth country, a past president or senior leader of the Malaysian Bar, an internationally respected forensic expert from home or other country, a nominee of the Parliamentary Opposition and a leader from a human rights non-governmental organization.

3. That all the MACC officers involved in the investigation of Teoh Beng Hock, his employer Ean Yong Hian Hwa and the latter colleagues, right from MACC chief Ahmad Said at the helm of its chain of command must be immediately suspended pending on investigation. The public cannot have confidence if Ahmad Said who categorically disowned any responsibility of Teoh’s death remains in-charge. Also, if allowed to continue, the involved officers may claim more victims after Beng Hock.

4. That Malaysia should ratify the United Nations Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment and meet the corresponding legal and policy obligations. All institutional sadism must end.

5. That a foundation should be established and named after Beng Hock to carry out research, education and reconciliation works against torture by all state institutions. The insensitive remarks by and unapologetic attitude of a MACC officials and senior ministers on Beng Hock’s death, followed by the fanning of ethnic sentiments by certain senior editors, suggest that the practice of torture is deeply rooted in, tolerated and even defended by certain segments of the Malaysian society. If there is no obvious commitment to ensure Beng Hock is the last victim, many more may suffer torture in the hand of law enforcement agencies and die in custody.

We call upon Najib to implement these reforms immediately. He must heed the call of the Teoh family. Najib’s continued refusal to steadfastly pursuing justice for Beng Hock will make his “1Malaysia” slogan more hollow and hypocritical. What good is equality if it means everyone has an equal chance to die in custody and every culprit can get off scot free?

Initiated by:
1. Ngeow Chow Ying, Vice-Chairperson, Civil Right Committee, Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
2. Haris Ibrahim, Convener, People’s Parliament
3. Andrew Khoo, Convener, Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform ([email protected])
4. Gayathry Venkiteswaran, Executive Director, Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
5. Nahar Mohd Nor, Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM)
6. K. Arumugam, Coordinator, Group of Concerned Citizens (GCC)
7. Helen Ang, Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
8. Maria Chin Abdullah, Executive Director, Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
9. Dr Toh Kin Woon, Chairperson, Penang Du Zhong Education Foundation
10. Tah Moon Hui, Coordinator, Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
11. Wong Chin Huat, Chairperson, Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
12. Ho Yock Lin, Coordinator for Solidarity Building Committee, All Women’s Action Society Malaysia (AWAM)
13. Lee Song Yong, Secretary of National Affairs, Malaysia Youth and Student Democratic Movement (DEMA)
14. Ng Chong Soon, President, Youth Section of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (Youth-KLSCAH)
15. Kua Sin Kheng, President, Youth Section of Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall (Youth-MCAH)
16. Low Seong Teong, President, Youth Section of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall (Youth-NSCAH)
17. Hii Yik Ping, Chairman, United Chinese Association (YCA) Youth Sibu
18. Tang Kwai Fun, Director of Civil Society Committee LLG Cultural Development Centre (LLGCSC)

公民社会联合声明:纳吉任内第一宗政治命案,成立皇家调查委员会彻查

我们要求:

(一)成立皇家调查委员会,独立与彻底地调查明福的命案,以及研究反贪委员会的现有指挥与权力架构是否命案其中成因;为了确保其公信力,皇家调查委员会一半成员应由联邦在野党提名。

(二)反贪委员会全国主任阿末赛益、雪州主任莫三苏丁以及所有涉及调查欧阳捍华与其议会同僚的官员,必须立即停职,直到调查完成为止,以确保没有掩盖真相或妨碍调查的情形出现。

政治不应流血

马来西亚政治斗争,今天不止践踏人身尊严与自由,还要剥夺人命,我们对此深感震惊与痛心。虽然许多国人因为政治遭受了种种迫害,包括无审讯扣留与折磨,但是,据我们所知,自1985年默马里事件以来,从来没有人因为政治直接死于政府机关之手。

政治本不应流血,即使死了一人也嫌太多。不幸的,明福现在死于纳吉政府下也是反贪污委员会运作下发生的第一宗政治命案。

我们,相信所有国人一样,呼吁纳吉首相确保明福绝不会白白牺牲,沉冤千古。今年一月,巫统马兰区部委员哈里米。卡马鲁查曼,曾经指责反贪委员会官员,在针对另一个巫统政治人物诺查。查卡里亚的调查中,虐待他并逼迫他赤身裸体。这是纳吉上台第100天的一个错误。如果纳吉在此事上有所作为,明福现在就还是活生生的一个人。

一周前,40个公民社会团体已经把改革反贪委员会,列为纳吉第二个100天的主要绩效指标(KPI) 。纳吉必须推行政治改革,以保障民主与人权。

五组亟需解答的问题

明福离奇死亡前后的一些发展,需要皇家调查委员会来回答五组亟需解答的问题:

第一、反贪委员会汲汲于调查,欧阳捍华与其他六位民联议员如何花费五十万到六十万的选区拨款,是否厚此薄彼、别有居心?为什么对重大丑闻如125亿的巴生港口自由贸易区,2千4百万的前雪州大臣“基尔皇宫”却兴趣全无?

第二、从星期三下午5点到星期四3点45分凌晨,明福被足足拷盘问了10小时45分钟。这是反贪委员会调查主任苏克里斯自己揭露的事实。以这种足以与古巴关达那摩湾美军折磨俘虏争雄的马拉松式盘问,施加于明福身上,敢问反贪委员会官员到底有何居心?

第三、当局宣称明福在盘问结束后随即被释放,不过被允许在反贪委员会总部的大厅休息。根据苏克里斯的说法,直到早上6时还有官员看到明福。敢问,那一位官员如此勤敬业,凌晨6时就来上班?为什么欧阳捍华说他一直无法联络上赵明福?为什么明福不在休息后驾车回家?

第四、反贪委员会宣称在下午1点半就接到明福身亡的消息,为什么拒绝向欧阳捍华确认此事?为什么反贪委员会要在知情3小时半之后的下午5时才召开记者招待会?

第五、为什么明福的家人被拒认尸于前,被限制在1小时半内传召本身的病理学家于后?为什么反贪委员会做出如此不近人情的决定?背后有何隐情?

马来西亚公众迫切需要这些问题得到解答。我们最低程度必须确保他在身后得到公道,务求真相大白,没有包庇。

纳兹里必须道歉

首相署部长纳兹里不但没有慰问明福家人、担保会把真相查个水落石出,反而臆测明福自己跳楼。他至少应该就这番冷酷的说法毫无保留地道歉。

发起单位与代表:

1. 律师公会主席 Ragunath Kesavan
2. 隆雪华堂民权委员会(CRC-KLSCAH) 主席廖国华
3. 独立新闻中心(CIJ)执行主任Gayathry Venkiteswaran
4. 政策倡导中心(CPI)执行主任林德宜博士
5. 议会改革倡导会([email protected])召集人Andrew Khoo
6. 公民关怀组织(GCC)协调员K. Arumugam
7. 隆雪华堂青年团(Youth Section, KLSCAH)团长吴仲顺
8. 马来西亚青年与学生民主运动(学运) 国内事务处秘书李松荣
9. 雪州自强协会(Empower) 执行主任陈玛丽亚
10. 大马回教改革理事会(JIM)主席Zaid Kamaruddin
11. 人民议会(People’s Parliament)召集人Haris Ibrahim
12. 大马人民之声(Suaram)协调员郑文辉
13. 维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟(WAMI)主席黄进发
14. 马六甲中华大会堂青年团(Youth Section, MCAH) 团长柯新庆
15. 森美兰中华大会堂青年团(YS-NSCAH) 团长刘祥忠
16. 林连玉基金公民社会委员会(LLGCSC)主任邓荟芬

Joint Statement: Royal Commission of Inquiry on 1st Political Death under Najib

We demand:-

(1) the establishment of a Royal Commission of Inquiry to independently and thoroughly investigate the incident and include in its terms of reference the key issue of whether the present command and power structure of MACC has played a role in this tragic incident. Half of the members of the Royal Commission should be nominated by the Federal Opposition to ensure credibility.

(2) that MACC national director Ahmad Said, Selangor Director Moh Samsudin and all officers involved in the investigation of Ean Yong and his fellow lawmakers be immediately suspended until the completion of the Royal Commission’s work to ensure no cover up or obstruction to the investigation.

No one should die because of politics

We are extremely shocked and saddened that politics in Malaysia is not only degrading human freedom and dignity, but has also claimed human life. While many Malaysians have suffered political persecution including detention without trial and torture, no one – to our knowledge – has directly died at the hand of a government institution because of politics since the Kampung Memali incident in 1985.
No blood should be shed because of politics. Even one life lost is too many. Unfortunately, Beng Hock is now the first political death under the Najib Administration and under the MACC, which has joined the police force in causing death in custody..

We, and we are sure, all Malaysians categorically demand call on PM Najib Razak to see to justice being done on Beng Hock’s death.

It was Najib’s failure that he had done nothing in his first 100 days to investigate the allegation by UMNO Maran Division Committee Member Halimi Kamaruzzaman that he was roughed up and forced to strip by MACC officers in a politically-motivated investigation targeting another UMNO politician Norza Zakaria. If that was done, Beng Hock may still be alive now.

Just a week ago, forty civil society groups listed the reform of MACC as one of Najib’s Key Performance Indicators in his second 100 days. It is essential that Najib institutes political reforms to restore democracy and human rights.

A Royal Commission of Inquiry is the only acceptable body that can resolve and bring to a closure the many unanswered questions on the shocking developments leading to and after the death of Beng Hock:
Firstly, isn’t the MACC’s investigation and office raids on Mr Ean Yong and six other Pakatan Rakyat lawmakers in State Assembly over alleged corruption in constituency fund allocation around RM 500,000-600,000 selective and politically motivated? Why have long standing and vastly more serious scandals like that of the RM 12.5 billion PKFZ project and the RM 24-million “Khir Palace” not been pursued with the same enthusiasm and vigour?

Secondly, Beng Hock was interrogated for a consecutively 10 hours and 45 minutes from 5pm on Wednesday to 3.45 am Thursday. This was revealed by the MACC Director of Investigation Mohd Shukri Abdul himself. Why was the MACC’s motive in interrogating Beng Hock in such an unacceptable sleep-depriving manner that rivals the mental torture at Guantanamo Bay and why was he denied the presence of his counsel?

Thirdly, Beng Hock was then allegedly released and allowed to rest in the lobby of the MACC office. According to Mohd Shukri Abdul, he was still seen by a MACC officer at 6am. Who was this hard working officer who turned out at work at 6am? Why was Beng Hock incommunicado, according to Ean Young, even after his alleged release? Why did he not drive home after resting?

Fourthly, the MACC refuse to confirm Ean Yong of Beng Hock’s death at 4 pm when they claimed to have known about it at 1.30pm. Why? Why did MACC call a press conference only at 5pm, three and a half hours after knowledge of the death?

Fifthly, Beng Hock’s family was first denied access to his body and later given only one and a half hour to bring their own pathologist. Why was the logic behind these incomprehensible decisions? Was there anything to hide?

Malaysians are demanding answers to all these questions. The least we must do now is to ensure that justice is done with no cover up whatsoever and with full transparency and credibility.

Nazri Must Apologize

Minister at the Prime Minister Department Mohd Nazri Abdul Aziz should apologize unreservedly to Beng Hock’s family for speculating that Beng Hock had jumped off the building ahead of the conclusion of thorough and unbiasedinvestigation.

Initiated by:-

1. Ragunath Kesavan, President, The Bar Council
2. Liau Kok Fah, Chairperson, Civil Right Committee, Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall(CRC-KLSCAH)
3. Gayathry Venkiteswaran, Executive Director, Centre for Independent Journalism(CIJ)
4. Dr Lim Teck Ghee, Executive Director, Centre for Policy Initiatives(CPI)
5. Andrew Khoo, Convener, Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform([email protected]
6. K. Arumugam, Coordinator, Group of Concerned Citizens(GCC)
7. Ng Chong Soon, President, Youth Section of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall(YS-KLSCAH)
8. Lee Song Yong, Secretary of National Affairs, Malaysia Youth and Student Democratic Movement(DEMA)
9. Maria Chin Abdullah, Executive Director, Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor(Empower)
10.Zaid Kamaruddin, President, Jemaah Islah Malaysia(JIM)
11.Haris Ibrahim, Convener, People’s Parliament
12.Tah Moon Hui, Coordinator, Suara Rakyat Malaysia(Suaram)
13.Wong Chin Huat, Chairperson, Writer Alliance for Media Independence(WAMI)
14.Kua Sin Kheng, President, Youth Section of Malacca Chinese Assembly Hall(YS-MCAH)
15.Low Seong Teong, President, Youth Section of Negeri Sembilan Chinese Assembly Hall(YS-NSCAH)
16.Tang Kwai Fun, Director of Civil Society Committee LLG Cultural Development Centre(LLGCSC)

延扣学运领袖执法过当,民权吁无条件撤销罪状

民权委员会认为,王、叶二人进入马大访友,却被保安人员指控擅闯校园,遭警方援引刑事法典延长扣留,是无法成立且令人难以信服的指控。学生是学校的主体,而警察任务为依法维持公共秩序,保护社会安全,防止一切危害,促进人民福利,故警察应在法律授权内行使职权,才合乎民主法治基本要求。

民权委员会认为,社会的各种挑战正考验警察的应变能力。在动辄得咎的执法过程中,正是考验警察执法能力的开始。“在这起事件中,警方执法过当当,不仅损害警察形象,更戕害甫上台百日的纳吉政府威信及法律尊严。高等学府内的人身与行动自由受钳制,一旦寒蝉效应扩大下去,将制造白色恐怖氛围。因此,校园民主不应走回头路,政治黑手应退出大专院校;警方应以行政中立与依法行政,公正严明有效执法,树立廉能形象。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席 廖国华

促无条件释放14难民,签署难民地位公约

我们促请政府马上无条件释放14名难民,并且不事后追究。

几天前,美国国务院发表的《2009年贩卖人口报告》才把大马列入第三级名单,批评大马无法遵守反贩卖人口的最低标准,也没有努力改善这个弱点。该报告指责大马移民厅官员涉嫌以马币700令吉出售难民给人口贩子,接着人口贩子要求难民偿还1千令吉至2千令吉的赎金,无法偿还者将被卖入淫窟或被强逼劳动。对此,民权委员会深切关注难民所遭遇的不人道待遇。

非政府组织也一直批评志愿警卫团(Rela)不断骚扰和逮捕羁留我国难民,被殴打者有之,居所被焚毁者有之,被勒索钱财者有之。即使获得大马联合国难民专员署(UNHCR)的登记文件,许多时候警方和志愿警卫团也一律把他们当非法入境者看待。

这些事件都显示政府完全无视难民的基本人权和寻求庇护的权利,违反了大马签署的《世界人权宣言》第十四条(一)人人有权在其他国家寻求和享受庇护以避免迫害。

民权委员会认为,基于人道立场和基于东协国家的友好精神,政府有必要对难民施予援手。政府应该签署《1951年难民地位公约》,承认难民在我国的地位,并承认联合国难民专员署的鉴定工作、发出文件和其他活动。

这几件事都发生在6月20日的世界难民日前后,今年的世界难民日主题是“真实的人,真实的需求”,我们谨此呼吁作为联合国人权理事会成员的大马能够尊重寻求庇护的难民拥有身为一个人应有的基本权利。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席廖国华

MEMORANDUM: A Threat to the Right to Life and Environment

WE, the Bukit Koman Action Committee Against the Use of Cyanide in Mining of Gold (JawatanKuasa Bertindak Menentang Penggunaan Cyanide dalam Perlombongan Emas di Bukit Koman, hereinafter referred to as BKACAC) would like to bring to your attention the human health and environmental impacts already present at Bukit Koman, Raub due to the ongoing gold mining activities in close vicinity to our residential villages. The gold mining activities, conducted by Raub Australian Gold Mining Sdn. Bhd. (hereinafter referred to as RAGM) is reported to use substantial amounts of cyanide compound during the extraction process of gold from ore.

The operation of RAGM in Bukit Koman, especially by using cyanide, has raised serious concerns on human health, ecological integrity, socio-economic well-being and potable water security on both local and regional level. In summary, we would like to highlight four crucial areas of concern as follows:

1. Human health – The life and well-being of at least 3,000 residents of Bukit Koman living within a 2km vicinity to the RAGM mining premises are seriously threatened by the increasingly worsening air quality in the area. At least 300 villagers, including the elderly and children, have complained of suffering from different medical symptoms since the operation started in February 2009;

2. Ecological integrity – The integrity of surface water catchment and groundwater aquifer are seriously compromised. Detoxification of cyanide containing mine tailings and implementation of environmental monitoring plans, if carried out by RAGM, have not been made known to the public. However, the results of laboratory analysis of water samples collected by State Local Government, Environment and Health Committee on 25 May 2009 at the tailing pond detected 0.03mg/L cyanide, which is well above the Recommended Permissible level of below 0.2ppm (Part Per Million) held by the U.S. Environment Protection Agency. Presence of cyanide-like odour in the atmosphere was sustained and evident;

3. Socio-economic well-being – Socio-economical risks incurred by the local government of Raub and state government of Pahang are potentially high, uncertain and poorly documented. Productivity loss, medical costs and welfare loss of potential victims of cyanide poisoning pose potential huge burden on government and hence the taxpayers, but very limited details were publicly disclosed;

4. Water and national security – Potential release of cyanide compounds to the atmosphere, water and soil could impact the water quality in the future Kelau reservoir located within 30km to the RAGM Production Plant of Bukit Koman. The interconnected water bodies and topography suggest such a scenario should not be ruled out. When completed, the Kelau reservoir will supply water to over eight millions domestic and commercial users in the Klang Valley. It is a serious concern for both water and national security.

[u]Background[/u]

In August 2006, RAGM successfully obtained approval from the State Mineral and Geoscience Department of Pahang to use cyanide in its carbon-in-leach (CIL) plant located at Bukit Koman, Raub. This approval was granted based upon the findings and conclusion of the preliminary Environmental Impact Assessment (PEIA) conducted by the RAGM in 1996. The state Department of Environment has approved the PEIA on 13 Jan 1997, with conditions. The EIA procedure is a legal provision under the Environmental Quality Act 1974 (Amendment) 1987, and any gold mining operation is subjected to EIA as prescribed under Environmental Quality (Prescribed Activities)(Environmental Impact Assessment) Order, 1987.

The ground breaking ceremony of the CIL plant was held on March 2, 2007. As of February 2009, RAGM commenced operation of its CIL plant and an estimated amount of 1,500 kg of cyanide was used daily. The management of RAGM, when queried repeatedly by BKACAC, has failed on several occasions to produce sufficient proof that the storage, disposal and treatment of cyanide compounds and wastes are in full compliance with established local and international standards.

Based on formal documents and informal sources of data gathered by BKACAC, there is reasonable belief that cyanide used in RAGM CIL facilities was not properly handled and that cyanide detoxification has NOT been done properly. These claims are made based on:

1. Repeated statement found in the Admission Document submitted to London Stock Exchange by Peninsular Gold Ltd (the parent company of RAGM) dated 17 June 2005, that cyanide detoxification MAY NOT be required for its operation in Malaysia particularly at the Bukit Koman site. To quote directly from the document, section 8.4.3.12 reads,

“…informed by Peninsular that cyanide destruction is not required by either the local authority, or the lender. Provision has been made in the capital cost for a detoxification plant, although its operating cost has not been included as it may not be required”.
(Imprima de Bussy, 2005)

2. Persistent and strong cyanide-like odour detected by the majority of Bukit Koman residents, since the RAUB CIL plant started operation in February 2009. More than 400 cases have been reported. Such odour has never been present in Bukit Koman in prior times. Various medical symptoms suffered by the residents after detecting the presence of such odour includes insomnia, vomiting, dizziness and skin rashes, with total number of reported cases exceeding 200.

2. Laboratory analytical results of water samples collected at May 25, 2009 by State Local Government, Environment and Health Committee and tested for total cyanide concentration. The results was 0.03mg/L which is well above normal background concentration in natural water bodies
3.
Furthermore, two internationally reputable environmental scientists, Dr. Mark Chernaik and Dr Glenn Miller, when engaged by BKACAC to provide their expert opinion have concluded that:

“the operation of the proposed gold mine tailings processing facility would impose an unreasonable risk to the health and safety or persons residing in Bukit Koman”,

and due to the lack of information

“Residents of Bukit Koman can reasonably apprehend that their groundwater and surface water supplies would be contaminated by the migration of toxic substances from effluent in the standing pond”.

Dr Glenn Miller visited Bukit Koman during June 2008 and both of them sit on the Steering Committee of International Cyanide Management Code which is partly an United Nations initiative to establish guidelines for the mining industry.

[u]Our Demand[/u]

With utmost respect, we would demand that your office take immediate action to address both the short and long term impact of the ongoing mining activities. Our demands are stated as follows:

1. To issue a stop work order immediately to all ongoing mining, extraction and processing activities at the RAGM premises located at Bukit Koman, Raub pending a comprehensive investigation conducted by an independent panel of experts. The stop work order is essential following numerous complaints by local residents and the failure of RAGM to respond promptly to queries on the presence of cyanide-like odour since RAGM started its CIL operation in February 2008;

2. To conduct an immediate and comprehensive health screening to all residents living within a 2km radius from the boundary of the RAGM CIL facilities and other residents suspected suffering from the symptoms of cyanide poisoning. Residents identified with compromised health conditions should receive medical treatment immediately;

3. To set up an expert panel whose responsibilities include but are not limited to:

a. Investigating the sources of reported strong cyanide-like odour detected in Bukit Koman village since February 2009

b. Assessing the validity of the claims by RAGM that its mining operation including the use and disposal of cyanide has been conducted in full compliance with all prescribed legislation of Malaysia and other applicable international guidelines.

Members of the expert panel should consist of appointees from all major stakeholders including the government, RAGM and the BKACAC to ensure the investigation process and findings are beyond partial view and doubtful conclusion. All findings and working progress updates are to be made accessible to the public at different stages of work; and

4. To revoke the approval granted to RAGM based on the PEIA submitted to DOE Pahang in 1996. The conditions in which the EIA approval was granted are likely breached by RAGM. Much evidence that has surfaced in recent months has sufficiently suggested that there are significant discrepancies between the actual ongoing mining operation and the proposed work described in the 1996 PEIA document. A new and detailed EIA process should be reinitiated.

Finally, we urge the government to consider a total ban on extensive use of Cyanide in all industrial activities including gold mining. We are of the opinion that when economic, social and environmental impacts of cyanide use are huge, detrimental and irreversible, then the precautionary principle should apply. As with every other citizen of Malaysia, it is our right to live healthily without the fear of cyanide poisoning. It is also our responsibility to leave an environment that is healthy and worth living in for our future generations of Bukit Koman, Raub, Pahang and Malaysia.