警察暴力践踏议会民主,隆雪华堂民权委员会吁解散州议会

霹雳州国阵贪恋权力,而丧心病狂至无所不用其极的地步,已经让本身沦为“政治混乱”的代名词,再无资格高谈政治稳定、经济发展,并足以断送到国阵在下届大选的胜望,国阵最高领导实宜好自为之。

而霹雳州警方在第12届第二季会议封锁州政府大厦、公然强将议长西华古玛拖离,是践踏议会民主、目无法纪的粗暴行为,让人担心武装力量全面干政的威胁,对内使民心惶恐不安,对外使外资却步不前。

而警方在州议会外逮捕民意代表和请愿民众,更严重违宪、违法且严重侵害国人集会与言论自由的宪赋权利,赤裸裸暴露出警察国本质,实为社会大众所不容。

隆雪华堂民权委员会认为,507是我国议会民主的一大污点,也是民主倒退的实例。当民联议长西华古玛,以及特委会、公账会和议会常规委员会的民联成员,未经表决便遭撤除职务,已严重违反议会程序;这彰显在弱肉强食的丛林法则中,议会形象和法治精神已被踩在脚底。

“国阵副议长许月凤等人抢夺西华古玛的议事主持权,下令驱逐后者出议会在先,尔后所谓推举‘新’议长根本已违反州宪法。在议长并无出缺或无法视事的情况下,强押议长离席且取而代之的做法,无疑是国阵州议员与警方共谋的政变。”

对于警方在州议会外逮捕民意代表和请愿民众,隆雪华堂民权委员会也谴责,“由警察出面压制群众,这是当权者逃避问题、模糊焦点的不负责任做法,而让他们可以坐在这一道‘防火墙’内安枕无忧的,就是各项钳制基本公民人权的恶法。我们无意归咎个别只能服从上命的警员,相对的,我们严正要求下达此一恶令的政府高层,必须负起最大的政治责任。”

在法庭作出裁决之前,这项宪政争议势必持续到下届大选,因此隆雪华堂民权委员会呼吁霹雳苏丹顺应民心所向,御准解散州议会,举行重新选举,解决这场宪政危机。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席 谢春荣

联署文告:高压噤声背离民意,坚持黑衣行动声援黄进发

警方以此箝制民意,镇压社会多元异议力量,有违首相纳吉欲打造“全民马来西亚”的愿景,更绝非民主的举动。我们呼吁全国人民响应干净与公平选举联盟的呼吁,坚持5月7日全国黑衣行动,延续黄进发的理想与斗志,堂堂正正执行公民表达异议的权利。

黄进发是活跃的社会成员,现任维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟主席、民权委员会副主席,长期关注政治社会动态,致力于民主人权志业。黄进发连同非政府组织伙伴发动全民穿黑衣运动,嘲讽首相纳吉新政乃是“一个黑色的马来西亚”,批评国阵罔顾民意策动霹州夺权,只不过行使宪赋言论自由与结社自由权,是合情合理的公民异议手段。

新首相领导的国阵集团如果连温和理性的民间意见都要压制,就表明当政者根本毫无雅量接受民意批评,诉诸种种强权手段只不过意在巩固执政权势与利益。

“308政治海啸”之后,我国仍然遗留威权时代的幽灵,尤其在国家机器面对社会运动打压的动作上,不但没有退却,反而处处逼近。当权者继续执意使用早已备受抨击及过时的煽动法令,将进一步限缩国人表达意见的自由空间,也正好彰显其已成为法治进步的绊脚石。

我们认为,《1948年煽动法令》如同《1960年内安法令》都是当权者用以封锁民意及打压言论自由的恶法。我们呼吁各界人士及有良知的人民代议士发出正义之声,一同要求废除《1948年煽动法令》、《内安法令》等恶法,矢志捍卫基本公民人权。

发起团体:
1. 隆雪华堂民权委员会
2. 隆雪华堂青年团
3. 维护媒体独立撰稿人联盟(WAMI)

联署团体:
1. 沙戥新村学校校友会青年团
2. 雪隆理华同学会
3. 《视角》人文思想社会电子评刊编委会
4. 马六甲中华大会堂青年团
5. 森美兰中华大会堂青年团
6. 人民之声
7. 马大新青年协会
8. 博大前进阵线
9. 雪隆兴安会馆青年团
10. 马来西亚青年与学生民主运动(学运)
11. 马来亚大学华文学会
12. 工大华裔生理事会(工华)
13. 隆雪惠安泉港公会青年团
14. 雪隆福建会馆青年团
15. 全国大专联谊会(全联)
16. 北方大学华文学会
17. 林连玉基金公民社会促进委员会
18. 人民公正党青年团
19. 马来西亚社会主义党
20. 隆雪华堂社经委员会
21. 民主行动党社会主义青年团
22. 新纪元学院学生会
23. 霹雳大专青年社
24. 美罗河婆同乡会筹委会
25. 美罗农民协会
26. 美罗新村居民协会
27. 动力青年
28. 小绿洲图书馆
29. 雪隆南安会馆青年团
30. 霹雳老友联谊会
31. 霹雳华社联合会
32. 珠宝瓜拉光三圣庙
33. 瓜拉光抗毒臭委员会
34. 霹雳留台同学会
35. 斗华华小校友会
36. 拱桥中华校友会
37. 丹那依淡华小校友会
38. 丹那依淡河婆同乡互助会
39. 瓜拉光华小校友会
40. 人民公正党拱桥支部
41. 行动党拱桥支部

黄洁冰留任证明恶质政治文化失败

民权委员会指出,黄洁冰多年来在社运界的耕耘有目共睹,其操守或能力历经考验,绝对是优秀的民意代表人选。“散播黄洁冰私密照片等行为是威权政治土壤‘孕育’出来的下流手段,若要扬弃它,各政党必须积极明确表态,才能阻止恶质政治文化继续泛滥。”

“某些朝野政治人物却只因黄氏之私生活而无视其长期公益贡献而予以否定,这种不问才德与专业的恶质政治文化,伤害的不只是女界清流;这样的政治文化所透露的讯息是,恶质的政治文化是如何在公共事务的参与上,实质催化劣币驱逐良币的效果,对国家未来与社会发展所造成的伤害,岂止是政坛形象而已。”

民权委员会强调,社会上必须有中间力量严格督促不同阵营的政治人物,学习如何将自己的精力与智能运用在化解社会分歧与调和利益冲突,在寻求妥协与建构共识的过程中,累积政治能量,共同监督恶质政治文化,重振民主核心价值。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席 谢春荣

动用警力阻挠霹州议会召开,民权委员会:国阵滥权违宪

西华古玛无可置疑是合法的议长,有权力有职责召开上述州议会。国阵政府动用警察权及行政机关去阻挠一场合法的州议会,不但严重破坏三权分立的原则与制度,更在我国议会民主史上留下黑暗的一页。

民权委员会呼吁国阵政府回归宪制及议会民主斗争的程序。动用警力来阻挠州议会的召开,只能说明国阵政府输不起。

民权委员会赞扬霹雳州议会议长西华古玛和州议员们以非暴力、坚持议会民主精神的智慧与勇气。西华古玛也将同1642年维护英国国会权威的威廉藍瑟議長一样,名垂英联邦国家青史。

这场在州议会大厦外树下的历史性会议,以及所通过的支持原任大臣尼查和解散州议会两项动议,无疑是我国宪制斗争重要的章节。

民权委员会最后认为,解散州议会是符合民意及解除当前宪制危机的唯一途径。“我们敦促霹雳州苏丹同意州议会和社会大众的要求,解散州议会,举行重新选举,终止这场宪制危机。”

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席 谢春荣

国会保安无视巫青围堵卡巴星 隆雪华堂民权委员会:民主蒙羞

民权委员会认为,雪州巫青团员在国会大厦围堵行动不便的卡巴星在先,阻挠后者出席会议,有损议事效率,徒浪费人民纳税钱,继而发生肢体冲突,不但议员之身体安全受到伤害,国会警卫未及时采取行动制止乱象,让人遗憾,更令国会殿堂蒙羞,因此,应予严厉谴责,并应追究到底,才能维护议员理性问政的权利,及国会为神圣殿堂的尊严。

民意代表问政、理应合情合理,如有不同意见,当应提出足够之说服力,理性论辩,才不辜负选民的负托。否则,每每诉诸肢体或言语暴力,徒使议事空转,则不利国也不利民,此种歪风应予根除。

民权委员会最后指出,巫青团日前的激烈言行,与每逢党选便企图挑拨民众情绪、撕裂族群,从中捞取政治资本的做法并无差别,对国民团结并无建树,更已经违背国人对308后民主发展的期待。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席谢春荣

捍卫女性从政者隐私权 民权委员会吁重视专业问政

隆雪华堂民权委员会认为,没有任何证据显示黄议员的私人生活与公共利益有关,照片内容亦无关乎公众利益,公众与媒体的言论自由或知情权无权进入这样的私人领域。因此,散播这些照片的人显然有实际恶意,同时也是侵犯隐私权的共犯行为。

此次事件,也正凸显出女性参政者长期以来所面对的敌意环境--大众对其问政质量的漠视与对女性的歧视,女性参政者不但其专业能力被质疑,在面对以男性权力运作的政治圈,还要忍受各式的侮辱与轻蔑。为此,诸如前雪州大臣莫哈末基尔等男性政治人物呼吁黄洁冰辞职下台的说法,正是对单身女性的刻板印象与污名,以及对性别的歧视与打压。

此次事件,不仅伤害一位专业女性政治人物,更使所有致力于专业工作的女性感到挫败。隆雪华堂民权委员会强烈反对任何对于女性参政者私生活的窥视,也反对对于女性参政者任何形式的压迫与歧视,更反对对于女性参政者能力的漠视。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席 谢春荣

民联应展现改革决心,具体规划地方议会选举

针对霹雳州务大臣的上述表态,隆雪华堂民权委员会深表失望,并且认为民联在五州执政,应该展现更强烈和鲜明的改革决心,同时公布更具体的规划和计划落实的时间表。地方政府选举是其中一个例子。

308政治海啸之前,一些民联成员党多年来大力鼓吹恢复地方议会,甚至以“还我民主第三票”作为主要的竞选议题。然而,在欢庆州政权改朝换代过后,民联的五州政府对恢复地方选举的问题,经常是语焉不详,而且至今为止尚未有任何具体的安排和规划,甚至有意无意地回避讨论有关问题。

最近人民公正党霹雳新邦波赖区州议员曾敏凯在昆仑喇叭举行村长民选,由村民通过投票选出村长。结果丁春荣在五位候选中脱颖而出,当选为村长。可以,霹雳州行政议员拿督倪可汉的第一个回应却是认为投票率只有30多巴仙,代表性不足。

隆雪华堂民权委员会认为拿督倪可汉的反应是消极的、而且是片面的。民联成员党的一些选举,例如社会主义青年团最近一次的选举,投票率也同样只不过是30多巴仙,却不见该党领袖发表代表性不足的言论。

隆雪华堂民权委员会认为,政治改革贵在实践,而不是沦为口号。将近半数的人民在308全国大选委托民联,当然对民联有所期望。恢复地方议会选举,是政治改革的其中一个重点,希望民联政府提出更为具体的落实方案。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席谢春荣

隆雪华青要求大专校方停止利用保安人员打压学生的行动

隆雪华青表示,每年校园选举日期接近之际,大学校方都沿用同样的手法来恐吓学生,以达致散播白色恐怖的效果。近年来,国内大专的保安人员打压学生的粗暴手法是各界人士有目共睹的,从较早前的俞杨阳手提电脑被抢夺、李松荣书包被抢等的种种事件中,我们不难发现国内大专保安人员在校方的纵容下,不但缺乏透明化的调查程序与专业的训练,而且经常发生保安人员的暴力事件。

所以我们认为应该推崇法治精神,而非人治,所以保安人员必须制定一套专业的调查程序,而不是以保安人员喜好来调查问题,不然保安滥权事件是随时发生的。

隆雪华青认为,最终造成校园许多问题发生的根源是大专法令,因为大专法令授予大学校长过大的权力,并拥有矮化大专生的思维,尝试以权威的方式压制学生的基本自由与自主权,所以才会出现那么多的打压事件。

最后,隆雪华青呼吁各界人士一起声援大专生,要求废除大专法令,改以尊重学生自治、校园民主的大学法来取而代之。

隆雪华堂青年团
团长陈松林

No Sedition Act – Rationality Needs to Prevail in Ahmad Ismail Case

Joint Press Statement on 9th September 2008

We, the undersigned civil society groups, oppose the use of the Sedition Act on Ahmad Ismail, Chief of UMNO Bukit Bendera for his alleged racist remarks. The use of the Sedition Act legitimizes the draconian act which has long been condemned by civil society and opposition parties. Rather than use it to further curb the freedom of expression – whoever the accused – the UMNO politician and his colleagues who backed him with more racist statements should be made to pay his price politically.

We condemn Ahmad Ismail and Penang UMNO for their efforts to shift the blame for the episode and its aftermath onto the journalist who reported the alleged inflammatory statements. In the process they have aroused ethnic sentiments in the press conferences held on Sept 6 and 8. Most shockingly, Penang Opposition Leader Datuk Azhar Ibrahim was quoted to have said of the journalist, “What was written may lead to a racial riot. If such a thing happens, he is the first person that should be shot.” This is a thinly-veiled threat of violence. If the reporting had been wrong, why should Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak who was present when Ahmad Ismail gave his speech apologize for a fabricated report? And if there is any doubt of the contents of his original speech, the explicitly racist nature of the subsequent remarks by Ahmad Ismail and his other colleagues in the two press conferences has confirmed their nasty intention.

We should however realize that exclusivist and hate speech – whether targeted on the basis of ethnicity, religion, gender, lifestyle or other grounds – is inevitable in any society and cannot be eliminated through laws. Unless we are in an emergency situation and confronted by individuals or groups inciting violence on racial grounds, there is no justification for legally policing and penalizing speech and expression. The only remedy to hate speech is the use of reason and to uphold the freedom of expression. When the society is mature, bigots like Ahmad Ismail – and their party if it refuses to penalize them – will be automatically punished by voters.

We urge Malaysians to be rational and to confront ethnocentric politicians by engaging them with rigorous and open debate. Resorting to legal means to censor speeches is unwittingly playing into the hands of those in the Government who seek to manipulate the “sensitive issue” paradigm to curb public discourse and political participation. It will also show that we as a society are intellectually incapable of refuting flawed rhetoric whatever the source.

Our stand on the case of Ahmad Ismail is consistent with that we have taken towards recent similar cases impacting on our freedom of speech and expression, notably the cases relating to forum disruption, book banning and website blocking. We reiterate the need to form a Parliamentary Select Committee to reform all freedom of speech and information and media-related laws including the Sedition Act. This is the only way we may mature as a society and fend off bigotry. We urge all Malaysians who oppose ethnic politics to endorse the 2008 Memorandum for Media Freedom at www.benar.org.

Through our measured and rational response, Malaysians can expose the political opportunism and the use of distorted history and other lies by the alleged inflammatory speaker and many others. Ahmad Ismail and others of the same ilk do not define our nationhood. His statement in no way affects the constitutional and socio-political reality that Chinese Malaysians – and other majority and minority communities – are equal citizens with similar rights as other citizens in this country.

If anything, Ahmad Ismail has stirred a lively debate that has brought out to public attention the deep and irrational well of UMNO’s communalism. The apology by UMNO Deputy president and the affirmation of the equal rights of minority communities by UMNO President are the steps in the right direction. However, now that Ahmad Ismail and UMNO Penang have openly snubbed their top leaders, UMNO must take stern disciplinary action to demonstrate its ability to censure its extremist and racially bigoted elements and regain the trust and confidence of, not only the non-Malays and non-Muslims, but of all Malaysians.

Endorsing Groups:
1. Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
2. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran)
3. Bus Users’ Group, Penang
4. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
5. Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
6. Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform ([email protected])
7. Civil Rights Committee of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
8. Empower (Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti, Selangor)
9. Group of Concerned Citizens (GCC)
10. Malaysia Youth and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
11. Penang Watch
12. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
13. Save Ourselves (SOS), Penang
14. Sister in Islam (SIS)
15. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
16. Women’s Aid Organization (WAO)

Malaysians Must Affirm Free Speech & Denounce Religious Intolerance

While it is necessary for all Malaysians to be mindful of religious sensitivities, such respect must not extend to the condoning of extreme acts which are aimed at curbing legitimate public discussion.

In the specific case of the Bar Council seminar, we are given to understand that it was primarily an effort aimed at helping to clarify various legal and administrative provisions on religious conversion issues. The forum could have provided useful inputs on helping resolve recent controversial developments had it not been unfairly misrepresented by various quarters, including the Government.

In fact, the organizers had taken the initiative to invite distinguished speakers from the Federal Territory Religious Affairs Department and Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKMI). Both speakers however declined invitation apparently after the forum was demonized by some quarters

We uphold the right of our fellow Malaysians to exercising their freedom to dissent and even to engage in peaceful demonstration in defence of their concerns. If the protest outside the Bar Council had been civil and dignified, it would have been fully acceptable.
Unfortunately this turned out not to be the case. Although no violence ensured, the resort of rough action and abusive shouts of “babi” (pigs), “pengkhianat” (traitors) and “balik China” (return to China) indicate an alarming level of religious intolerance by this small minority. This is completely unacceptable to us and all right thinking Malaysians.

We also note with dismay the police submission to the pressure of the protesters and their “advice” to the organizers to bring about a premature end to the meeting. This guidance follows closely on the government’s own earlier reaction to the planned event and its attempt to compel the organizers to call off the event. The blatant double standards employed by Government and police in dealing with the protestors and the forum subject raises questions about the even handed and fair treatment accorded to all religions that the Government and authorities claim is happening in the country.

In this connection too, we would like to express our disappointment with the participation of the members of three political parties, UMNO, PAS and PKR as well as two parliamentarians, Zulkifli Nordin (Kulim-Bandar Baru) and Sallahudin Ayob (Kubang Kerian) in the abusive group of demonstrators. The top leadership of these three parties must instruct their members to avoid looking out for opportunistic or narrowly partisan political and religious advantage at the expense of national interest. PKR leaders’ prompt censure of Zulkifli Nordin’s abusive behaviour is therefore commendable and exemplary.

Finally we note with concern and condemn the petrol bombs attack directed at the previous house of Bar Council President Dato’ Ambiga Sreenevasan. We hope that there is no connection between that act and the role of the Bar Council in organizing the seminar and call on the authorities to fully investigate that action and bring the perpetrators to book

The Undersigned Organizations:

1.Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)
2.Civil Rights Committee of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
3.Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform (CSI-Parliament)
4.Council of Malaysian Indian Trustee
5.Suara Rakyat Malaysia (Suaram)
6.Malaysia Youth and Student Democratic movement (DEMA)
7.Persatuan Kebajikan Cahaya Wawasan Selangor
8.Persatuan Kebajikan Bharatham Selangor
9.Persatuan kebajikan Vanniar Klang
10.Pertubuhan Belia Hindu Pelabuhan Klang
11.Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
12.Youth Section of Kuala Lumpur & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (KLSCAH-YS)
13.Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
14.Monitoring Sustainabiliy of Globalisation (MSN)

After 12-8-2008
13. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
14. Monitoring Sustainabiliy of Globalisation (MSN)
15. Group of Concerned Citizens
16. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita, Selangor (PSWS)
17. Sisters In Islam (SIS)
18. Women’s Aid Organisation (WAo)
19. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor dan Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
20. Pusat Komunikasi Masyarakat (KOMAS)

This signature campaign is initiated by Civil Rights Committee of Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH) and Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI).

Imminent downgrading of SUHAKAM: Government must take action

The International Coordinating Committee of National Human Rights Institutions (ICC)’s recent notice to SUHAKAM for its failure to comply with the Paris Principles and the consequent possibility of it being downgraded indicates the ICC’s grave concern with regard to the Malaysian government’s management of SUHAKAM. SUHAKAM has been confined by the provisions of the Act and has disappointingly fallen short in its mission to promote and protect human rights.

From 21 to 23 April 2008, the ICC Sub-Committee on Accreditation carried out its periodic re-accreditation of national human rights institutions (NHRIs) based on the Paris Principles. The Paris Principles are the international standards for an independent and effective NHRI. In its review of SUHAKAM’s accreditation, the ICC Sub-Committee on Accreditation gave notice to SUHAKAM to “provide, in writing, within one year […], the documentary evidence deemed necessary to establish its continued conformity with the Paris Principles”, failing which, SUHAKAM would be downgraded from its current “A” status to “B”.

This means that SUHAKAM will lose its right to participate in the regular sessions of the United Nations Human Rights Council. It will also be stripped of its full membership in the Asia Pacific Forum of NHRIs (APF) and will be relegated to a candidate or associate member, which does not have voting rights in the APF’s decision-making body, the Forum Council.

The recommendations given to SUHAKAM by the ICC Sub-Committee on Accreditation reaffirms the concerns regarding SUHAKAM’s independence and effectiveness which have been articulated by various human rights NGOs in the country since the Commission’s establishment. The key recommendations and observations made by the ICC Sub-Committee on Accreditation in relation to SUHAKAM were:

1. The independence of the Commission needs to be strengthened by the provision of clear and transparent appointment and dismissal process in the founding legal documents, more in line with the Paris Principles.
2. With regard to the appointment, the Sub-Committee notes the short term of office of the members of the commission (two years).
3. The importance of ensuring the representation of different segments of society and their involvement in suggesting or recommending candidates to the governing body of the Commission.
4. The importance to engage with the international human rights system, in particular the Human Rights Council and its mechanisms (Special Procedures Mandate Holders) and the United Nations Human Rights Treaty Bodies.

Most of the recommendations are related to the Human Rights Commission of Malaysia Act 1999 (Act 597) under which SUHAKAM was established. These recommendations serve as a timely reminder that the government should reflect on the objectives of SUHAKAM’s establishment. If there is a perception that SUHAKAM was set up merely for the purpose of window-dressing the government’s poor human rights record, then its lack of independence must surely underscore that perception. The government should therefore act immediately to make the Commission independent and effective by implementing the measures proposed below.

Should the government ignore these recommendations, SUHAKAM’s status would be downgraded by the ICC. This will reflect poorly on Malaysia’s human rights record at the international level for lacking in political will to promote and protect human rights. It will make Malaysia’s pledge to the United Nations in 2006 that it “will continue to take proactive and innovative measures to further promote and protect human rights” a mockery. The credibility and the stature of Malaysia as a member of the United Nations Human Rights Council will suffer if the government does not act immediately on the ICC Sub-Committee on Accreditation’s recommendations.

We therefore strongly urge the government to be accountable and to take immediate measures, especially by amending Act 597, to ensure:

1. SUHAKAM’s structural autonomy from the government
SUHAKAM should report to the Parliament, and not to the Prime Minister’s Department.

2. transparency in the selection of SUHAKAM Commissioners
Establish an independent Search Committee. This should comprise Members of Parliament from all parties, civil society groups, trade unions, concerned social and professional groups. The selection powers should not be left solely with the Prime Minister. The selection process should be transparent and fair, and with full consultation with civil society.

3. the setting of clear criteria for SUHAKAM Commissioners
Commissioners who are selected should be credible, independent and competent in the field of human rights. They should serve full time, and focus exclusively on human rights work.

4. longer tenure of Commissioners
The tenure of commissioners should be extended to five years and re-appointments should be dispensed with immediately so as to ensure autonomy.

5. wider powers and mandate to be accorded to SUHAKAM to promote and protect human rights in Malaysia
The definition of “human rights” in Section 2 of Act 597 should be amended. SUHAKAM’s jurisdiction should be widened to cover rights relating to life, liberty, equality and dignity of the individual as embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights laws and standards.

SUHAKAM’s powers under Section 12(2) of Act 597 should be clarified. This section is frustrating SUHAKAM’s work because when a human rights violation is taken to court, SUHAKAM has thus far refused to hold public inquiries.

6. that SUHAKAM’s reports are debated in Parliament, and its recommendations implemented
SUHAKAM’s recommendations to the government should be implemented immediately. This includes those on the ratification of international human rights treaties. SUHAKAM’s reports should be tabled and debated in the Parliament.

This statement is endorsed by:

1. Alaigal
2. Aliran Kesedaran Negara (Aliran)
3. Amnesty International, Malaysia
4. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
5. Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
6. Centre for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
7. Child Development Initiative
8. Civil Rights Committee of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall
9. Community Development Centre (CDC)
10. Education and Research Association for Consumers Malaysia (ERA Consumer)
11. Gerakan Mansuhkan ISA (GMI)
12. Group of Concerned Citizens
13. Human Rights Committee, Bar Council Malaysia
14. Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT)
15. Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM)
16. Labour Resource Centre (LRC)
17. LLG Cultural Development Centre (LLG)
18. Malaysia Youth and Students Democratic Movement (DEMA)
19. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalization (MSN)
20. National Human Rights Society (HAKAM)
21. Network of Solidarity Collective (NOSC)
22. Panggau, Sarawak
23. Parti Sosialis Malaysia (PSM)
24. Penang Watch
25. Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor (Empower)
26. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor dan Kuala Lumpur (PERMAS)
27. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor (PSWS)
28. Pesticide Action Network Asia Pacific (PAN-AP)
29. Pusat Khidmat Pekerja Tanjung (PKPT)
30. Pusat Komunikasi Masyarakat (KOMAS)
31. PT Foundation
32. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
33. Save Ourselves (SOS)
34. Semparuthi Iyakkam
35. Sisters in Islam (SIS)
36. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
37. Tenaganita
38. TERAS
39. Women’s Aid Organisation (WAO)
40. Worker’s Organisation Malaysia
41. Writers’ Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
42. Yayasan Amal, Johor
43. Youth for Change (Y4C)
44. Youth Section of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall

重塑检调公信力,高职渎职应停职查办

前述两人涉及1998年捏造证据指控前副首相安华案件,两人身居检调单位高职,位高权重,若继续在职,可能对独立调查工作构成干扰。执法人员若涉及渎职滥权,违背专业操守乃是重大刑责,首相必须以高标准看待此事,展示肃清渎职人员的强力政治意愿,以挽回公众信心。

近期因蒙古女郎案件及新一起公正党领袖安华被控涉及鸡奸案件,产生许多疑云,检察及警方单位部分作为失当,其独立性备受质疑,导致公信力剧降。政府必须严正看待高职执法人员涉嫌知法犯法案件,以免再遭来诟病。

尽管首相宣称慕沙哈山与阿都干尼不会涉及安华鸡奸案的调查与检控工作,因而暂时不必停职,但是我们认为,慕沙哈山与阿都干尼涉嫌捏造证据指控,本身的专业操守有待证明,更何况两人身居要职,尚能行使广泛的行政职权,在此刻政府面临重大公信力危机的情况下,继续在位只能引发更多争议。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席谢春荣

Civil Societies Views on the Fuel Price Increase Debate

The issue of the quantum of the increase and related issues of the role of subsidies in our economy and how to spend our oil wealth judiciously is clearly too important to be left to Government alone to decide. At the same time, these are issues which it would be foolhardy to leave to even a rejunevated Opposition alone to shape public policy on. Television with its wide national reach and impact can help in the dissemination of important information, facts and opinions on the subject that can enable our Malaysian citizentry to appraise the different positions held on this vital economic issue by the Government and the opposition parties. More importantly, it can stimulate public interest in issues of vital social and economic importance, and also help other key stakeholders play their proper role in the shaping of public policy through their analysis of the debate.

We are sure that a very large audience will follow the planned televised debate closely and look forward to a high quality of presentation on the part of the two debaters. We and the national audience too, also expect a balanced and fair treatment of issues, participating speakers and political positions by all parties concerned.

Endorsees

1. Aliran Kesedaran Negara
2. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
3. Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
4. Center for Orang Asli Concerns (COAC)
5. Center for Polic Initiatives (CPI)
6. Civil Society Initiative for Parliamentary Reform (CSI-Parliament)
7. Civil Rights Committee of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall
8. Community Development Centre (CDC)
9. Empower (Persatuan Kesedaran Komuniti Selangor)
10. Jaringan Rakyat tertindas (JERIT)
11. Jawatankuasa Kebajikan Mahasiswa/I (JKMI)
12. Kuala Lumpur & Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall Youth section (KLSCAH-Youth)
13. Labour Resource Center (LRC)
14. Malaysia Youth and Student Democratic Movement (DEMA)
15. National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI)
16. Penang Watch
17. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor & Wilayah Persekutuan (PERMAS)
18. Persatuan Sahabat Wanita, Selangor
19. Pusat Komunikasi Masyarakat (KOMAS)
20. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
21. Save Our School Damansara Committee
22. SOS (Save Ourselves), Penang
23. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
24. Tenaganita
25. Writers Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
26. Youth for Change (Y4C)

Reject Calls For The Use Of The Armed Forces In The Preservation Of Public Order

It will also make the recent statement of the Prime Minister that the security situation in the country is under control rings hollow. This will raise doubts about the Prime Minister’s ability to provide positive leadership and to rein in irresponsible or mischievous elements within his own government who are attempting to fabricate a situation of insecurity in order to advance their own selfish political agendas. Previous rallies however have been held peacefully without the need for any presence of army personnel.

Since 8 March 2008, our country has moved forward in her journey to a more democratic plural society. This can only be for the greater good. There are those who say that our country would suffer unless there is political stability, and by this they mean to be ruled by an authoritarian government. Those who thrived under the authoritarianism of the past would have us believe that the various expressions of politically-diverse views, whether by way of rallies, demonstrations or even intellectual debates and discussions at public forums, represent a breakdown of public order. Such exercise of citizen’s democratic rights is perceived as therefore a threat to the security of this country and necessitates strong-arm tactics such as the deployment of the armed forces in what would essentially be the work of crowd-control.

We say that what our country needs, in order to progress and prosper, is a well-entrenched democracy. A free and fair society and an open democracy are crucial to our long-term peace and stability. It is these that will ultimately promote harmonious living, investor confidence and economic prosperity. In this regard therefore, individuals or groups making or supporting calls for involving the armed forces in the preservation of public order are doing a grave disservice to our country and the economy.

We strongly urge the Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi to immediately assure the Malaysian public that the army would not be deployed in civilian matters and take to task those who are causing unnecessary alarm and concern and seemingly conniving in the disruption of peace and normal life in order to fulfill their personal agenda.

We urge all groups and concerned citizens to make similar calls and send a loud and clear message that any compromise of constitutional democracy will not be tolerated and must not be even contemplated.

1. All Women’s Action Society (AWAM)
2. Center for Independent Journalism (CIJ)
3. Center for Orang Asli Concerns
4. Civil Society Initiatives for Parliamentary Reform (CSI-Parliament)
5. Civil Rights Committee of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)
6. Community Development Center (CDC)
7. Empower
8. Group of Concerned Citizens
9. Jaringan Rakyat Tertindas (JERIT)
10. Jawatankuasa Kabajikan Mahasiswa/I (JKMI)
11. Labour Resource Center (LRC)
12. LLG Cultural Development Center
13. Malaysian Youth and Student Democratic Movement (DEMA)
14. Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN)
15. National Institute for Electoral Integrity (NIEI)
16. Persatuan Masyarakat Selangor (PERMAS)
17. Pusat Kommunikasi Masyarakat (Pusat Komas)
18. Research for Social Advancement (REFSA)
19. Sahabat Wanita
20. Sisters in Islam
21. Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM)
22. Tenaganita
23. Women’s Aid Organization (WAO)
24. Women’s Candidacy Initiative (WCI)
25. Writers Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)
26. Youth for Change (Y4C)
27. Youth Section of the Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall

Civil Society Groups Express Solidarity With Raja Petra Kamarudin

We call on all Malaysians concerned with the freedom of information and speech to stand up in support of a fellow Malaysian who has been writing “without fear or favour” on issues of public and national concern.

The charge against Raja Petra is in connection with a Post entitled “Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell” in which he raised pertinent questions on various facts of the case that are already within the domain of public knowledge. In our view the sedition charge is malicious and without merit. It is also politically motivated and aimed at silencing a principled and uncompromising voice speaking against the abuse of power, including those stemming from the highest level of government and authority.

We urge the Government to re-consider its action in pursuing what is being perceived in the country and internationally as blatantly selective and repressive persecution. The action not only runs counter to the Government’s expressed promotion of a democratic, informed and participatory society. It also smacks of a renewal of the tactics of fear and intimidation which were recently resoundingly rejected by the Malaysian electorate.

We are disappointed that, despite the Government’s rhetoric of learning from its past mistakes, it continues to rely on heavy handed authoritarian means to instill fear and to discourage its citizens from freely engaging in public discourse.

This action of the Government coming just a few days after World Press Freedom Day (which fell on May 3) especially makes a mockery of the Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi’s expression of commitment to democratic and social reforms to promote a more open and transparent government.

We agree with other human rights advocates that the present Sedition Act – initially enacted by the British colonial authorities – should have no place in our democratic society. Unlike the law on defamation, one cannot defend himself/herself from a charge of sedition on the ground of truthfulness. In other words, messengers may be shot for simply uttering the truth. That the State is using its legal apparatus to charge Raja Petra for sedition instead of the aggrieved party resorting to civil defamation points to the need for thorough reform of our media laws. This is not a new demand but one which has been consistently raised by civil society and progressive political parties.

As civil society action groups, we call upon all political parties, non-government organizations and individuals to express their concern and to show solidarity with Raja Petra. All freedom loving Malaysians must impress on the Government the need to withdraw this obnoxious action against a conscientious writer and true Malaysian.

Finally, we urge fellow Malaysians to respond positively to any future appeals for donations to a Legal Fund properly constituted in defence of Raja Petra and to show our solidarity for a national cause aimed at protecting our freedom of speech.

Press Statement issued jointly by:

Dr Lim Teck Ghee,
Director,
Centre for Policy Initiatives (CPI)

Ahirudin Attan
President, Interim Council
National Alliance of Bloggers

Wong Chin Huat
Chairperson,
Writer Alliance for Media Independence (WAMI)

Gayathry V.
Executive Director
Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ)

Ser Choon Ing
Chairman of Civil Rights Committee
The KL and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall

Ho Yock Lin
Director
Empower (Pusat Janadaya)

Irene Xavier
President
Persatuan Sahabat Wanita Selangor

重审司法危机,启动转型正义

另外,我们欢迎首相署部长再益提出“遴选法官委员会”以制度化委任和擢升法官,这是推动司法改革的重要一步,而司法改革是整个体制改革的重要部分,将有助于催化全面的体制改革,推进自由民主。

司法危机重挫司法独立,侵蚀民主体制,其恶果延续至今,亟需予以平反,恢复正义。不过,仅仅止于公开道歉是不足的,这只是政府为国家历史非正义致歉的一个部分,其他还涉及连串的政府责任和社会道义的问题,不应该以此推诿其他更重要责任。这其中以追究真相与责任、纠正与恢复制度公正、补偿受害者三者最为重要。

民权委员会认为,政府应该承担历史责任,接纳律师公会等非政府组织呼吁设立独立调查委员会建议,重新审查1988年司法危机事件。该事件是建国以来,政府行政机构滥用权力的最大丑闻,导致司法沦为附庸,使人权与民主法治受破坏,为压制性体制种下祸根。

今天国家已经处在变革的十字路口,政府应该鼓起勇气纠正历史错误,唯有修正重大错误,国家才能往前看,与过去和黑暗划下休止符,开启光明的未来。如今改革呼声抬头,更有政治条件与民意基础推动改革,政府应该呼应民间共识,切实推进改革,告别强权政治。

过去民权委员会呼吁启动转型正义之讨论。所谓转型正义就是指社会体制在面临更自由民主开放的根本改变中,社会成员提出厘清、补偿、纠正过去威权体制所造成的压制性伤害。这正切合了今天的历史需要。

我们认为不能再重犯历史错误,再次妄顾司法制度败坏。林甘影片事件暴露了司法界的重重黑幕,如果不纠正法官委任和擢升程序,将难以恢复司法界的公信力。因此,政府应认真看待“遴选法官委员会”的建议,并强化其公信力,纳入法官代表、律师公会代表、检察官代表、非政府组织代表,使其运作透明,行事严谨。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席谢春荣

首相应锐意开启民主改革,州政府应借机推资讯自由

民权委员会强烈抨击,国安部勒令抽起新一期亚洲版《时代》周刊有关首相阿都拉的专文评论。政府再次严控思想,打击新闻自由,显示首相并未吸取本届大选国阵失败的经验,执意执行旧政策,否定自由民主,令未来的内阁蒙上反改革的阴影。

本届大选民心思变,追求锐意改革,已是大势所趋。新政府的首要改革议程应该是全面落实宪赋言论自由与新闻自由,因为新闻自由是催化社会进步首要利器,应该废除《印刷出版法》、《传播与多媒体法令》、《官方机密法令》等箝制舆论恶法,订立《资讯自由/权利法令》等法,以保障新闻自由。

以往首相反贪与行政革新未能落实,最大原因就是缺乏舆论监督,因为媒体受控制,不能发挥说真话精神,未能确实监督政府弊端。再者,每年更新出版准证的规定以及变相限制与控制报章数量,导致政商集团垄断媒体,言论趋向单一化,未能反映社会多元异议,不能反映社会真相,执政者失去了体察民意的最佳管道。

每年更新出版准证规定不啻是事前言论审查,导致媒体自我检禁,因此我们极力呼吁应该将报章媒体的准证制改为登记注册制,不应赋于部长与行政机关过大权力,限制媒体发展。现今部长权力过大,不受司法挑战,动辄吊销媒体出版准证。任何违法行为应该以司法审判为准,行政部门任何决定应接受司法审查,无权自行专断剥夺公民宪赋权利。

另外,我们欢迎在野执政州属阵营提出制定州属《资讯自由/权利法令》,这将有利于杜绝贪污,加速行政透明,保障公民知的权利。同时,这些州政府应该立即研究现有《印刷出版法》,利用州政府出版品有豁免权规定,以此自行出版报纸、月讯等广泛各类形式出版物,并邀请民间组织参与编辑,以启迪民智,宣扬先进州、民主开放、地方自治观念,突破现有中央政府资讯限制,推动资讯自由与多元。

国家已经走到改革的十字路口,我们谨此呼吁全体公民共同迎接历史的时机与任务,参与推动马来西亚民主转型,投入全球民主化大趋势。

隆雪华堂民权委员会
主席谢春荣

出尔反尔不尊重文化传统,吁大选行政中立公平竞争

另外,首相贸然在农历新年期间(2月21日元宵节前)解散国会与州立法议会,也是不遵重多元文化传统的表现,因为农历新年期间解散,剑拔弩张的政治动员肯定将影响喜气洋洋的新年气氛。华人社会还有两个节日要重大庆祝:大年初九(2月15日)的天公诞和正月十五的元宵节(2月21日)。

农历新年期间进行选战,将让600万华裔公民既无法全心全意庆祝新年,也无法全神贯注选举,一尽公民义务。这甚至可能间接让部分选民放弃投票。一些2月中才离家去工作的选民,可能不会在三月初又回乡投票。

这和回教徒在欢庆开斋节或哈芝节时举行大选一样,是对马来西亚多元族群社会的文化敏感度缺乏尊重。去年11月当巫统一意孤行要在屠妖节期间举行代表大会,伤害了印裔马来西亚人的感受。

历来马来西亚选举制度以及程序之弊病,早已引来诟病,民权委员会呼吁选举委员会吸取前车之鉴,公正执行选務,让这场大选透明、干净与公平,充分体现自由民主政治原则。

民权委员会也呼吁,阿都拉领导的看守政府在来临的大选严守行政中立原则,划分公务与党务工作,勿让公仆滥用国家资源为个人所属的政党辅选。近来,在朝政党频频发放优惠措施,属政策性买票行为,实不足为训。

这场大选攸关民主的落实,应该充分尊重选民的意愿,看守政府不应对媒体实行诱导或压制,而是让媒体公平报导不同政党的消息,让媒体发挥凝聚舆论,自由议政的民主功能。

民权委员会主席
谢春荣

敢于认错是责任政治的先声

蔡细历性丑闻事件看来纯粹是个人道德缺失,但是他敢于承担个人责任,不推搪、不诿过、不卸责、不逃避,却是政治清明的象征。个人道德缺失尚且需要如此,攸关公共利益的政治过失更应该大胆面对,理应接受公众的监督、质询与究其责任。

民主政治就是责任政治,逃避承担责任,等于滋生有权无责,让滥权腐败找到寄生的基础,侵袭制度,民生败坏。千里之行,始于足下,与其听任制度败坏,口出华而不实言论,不若政府首先倡行负责任的政治文化。

民权委员会主席
谢春荣

内安法违反公正原则,正视改革诉求摒弃强权

民权委员会重申,《内安法令》严重违反基本的公正原则,允许未经审讯的拘留行动,剥夺了人民自我辩护的权利。至今为止,Hindraf的行动都还在宪法所允许的范围之内进行,尤其是11月25日的集合,基本上符合了宪法第11条的和平集会自由,不能简单地被定罪为“危害国家或公共安全”,因为这是不能令人信服的。我们可以不同意Hindraf 的言论,但作为一个民主自由的国家,我们不能剥夺Hindraf在宪法里享有的集会及言论自由。

首相应该履行听真话的承诺,切实地正视印裔社群的困境与不满,并趁此推展改革,纠正不公正的制度与政策,才能赢取民心。如今政府改弦易张,强压人民不满,不但严重削弱民主政治,更使社会问题不能解决,摧毁政府的公信力。动用《内安法令》镇压人民的集会自由与不满,只显示执政者的虚弱,正视民间改革诉求,摒弃强权政治,才能促进社会的民主开放。

民权委员会主席
谢春荣

Suppression on HINDRAF only harms the Government’s legitimacy

The CRC also censures the police for abusing its power by setting up roadblocks to obstruct the HINDRAF rally. The roadblocks set up in 12 districts and municipalities in SElangor have resulted in massive traffic jams in Kuala Lumpur. Such highly irresponsible acts both disturb daily lives of ordinary citizens and obstruct economic activities in the capital city.

Holding also the portfolios of Internal Security and Finance, Prime Minister Dato’ Seri Abdullah Badawi must stop all the repressive measures. The Government must pay attention to the grievance which has led the Indian community to take it to the streets. Chronically marginalized by the government in all fields, political, economical, cultural and educational, Indian Malaysians’ sense of deprivation and alienation deepens in recent years with the systemic demolition of Hindu temples nationwide.

The ruling coalition must respect the constitutional rights of the citizens. Suppression will only lead to more discontents. The long list of scandals tainting institutions from the police, the judiciary to the elections suggested severe flaws in the political system. This may turn into a serious crisis of confidence for the government if it does not embark on substantial reforms but instead suppress public expression of discontents.

The police have acted very irresponsibly and unprofessionally by paralyzing the traffics in the nation’s capital city and financial centre. Driven by political consideration rather than public interest, this is the second time the police has resorted to such “lockdown” tactics to obstruct citizens’ peaceful assembly. Two weeks ago, the police even had its helicopters patrolling the sky besides roadblocks to create a fearful atmosphere trying to stop the 50,000-strong BERSIH rally but in vain.

The various repressive measures by the government to stop peaceful assemblies so far have seriously damaged Malaysia’s international image. The government must not repeat this mistake not least to avoid a disservice to the Visit Malaysia Year 2007.

Mr. Ser Choon Ing , Chairman of Civil Rights Committee of The Kuala Lumpur and Selangor Chinese Assembly Hall (CRC-KLSCAH)

滥权设路障扰乱民生,压制不满危害政府公信力

同时,民权委员会也强力谴责警方滥用权力,以“锁城策略”因应上述大集会。11月22日,距离示威日前几天,警方就在雪兰莪州12个县市皆设立路障,导致进入吉隆坡市区交通大堵塞。这种手段不但干扰民生,而且影响民众一般生活权利,同时也导致首都重要经济活动全面受波及,是极度不负责任的做法。

首相阿都拉身兼国安部长及财政部长三职,应该高度关注上述事件,停止压制措施。印度社群长期受政府忽略,政经文教权利严重受剥夺,近年发生多起印度庙宇被摧毁事件,更加深了印度社群受剥夺感。这次印度社群走上街头表达不满,理应获得尊重,并予以正视。

执政集团应该尊重公民的宪赋权利,压制只能产生更多社会不满。近年本国爆发警方滥权贪污、司法舞弊、选举舞弊等多起事件,显示制度出现严重弊端,如果不允许民众表达对政府舞弊的不满,并推动实质的改革,恐将令政府面临公信力危机。

警方无视吉隆坡贵为一国首都及金贸城市之地位,以政治考量而非保安与秩序理由,实施“锁城”,制造紧张气氛,造成不必要的恐慌,完全违背警察专业。这也是警方第二次采取“锁城策略”。上回干净及公平选举联盟(BERSIH)大集会临近几天,警方不止设路障“锁城”,还出动直升机,盘旋上空,令首都陷入一片恐慌。

政府种种压制民间和平集会作法,已令马来西亚在国际社会声誉扫地,不应再重蹈覆辙。政府不应忘记今年是旅游年,持续的高压政治只会使本国形象受损,令政府辛苦建立的友善形象付诸东流。

民权委员会主席
谢春荣

首相应告别压制人权黑暗期,废除恶法推动警察改革

今年10月27日是茅草行动二十周年纪念。过去这项大规模逮捕异议分子行动,是本国自513以来最大的压制人权黑暗事件,连同1988年司法危机以及最高法院法官革职事件,令民主制度破坏殆尽,其压制性效应一直延续到今天。

当年政府援引《1960年内安法令》扣留106名政党人士和社运工作者,却始终未能提出他们危害国家安全的证据加以提控。同样的,扣留者也投诉遭执法者暴力威胁,种种压制侵害人权,剥夺人性尊严。

面对种种的非法扣留以及执法者如此卑鄙无耻的暴力行径,政府应该立即向过去所有非法扣留和暴力虐待的受害者致歉,同时废除《1960年内安法令》,以根绝这种非人性的制度化暴力,以免执法者继续藉以侵犯人权。该法是我国最大的不公正,赋予部长过大的权力批准无审讯扣留,导致严重侵犯宪赋人权。这项恶法导致部长权限凌驾司法,行政权力恶性膨胀,恶法成为执政者对付异议分子的政治工具。

首相阿都拉誓言推动行政革新与听取真话,就应该接纳人权团体多年的呼吁,立即宣誓与过去压制人权的黑暗期划清界线,切实推动废除恶法,彻除腐败滥权。首要就是成立“真相调查委员会”彻查1987年茅草行动真相,还原历史真相、恢复正义以及补偿受害者。

阿都马列胡先案子捎来远违的正义呼声,该案子不应仅以金钱赔偿结束,而让滥权、暴虐的涉案高级警官逍遥法外,应该重新开启当年有关高级警官施暴的调查报告,并将施暴者绳之以法,也追究时任总警长拉欣诺的行政责任。

种种警察滥权与暴力事例也证明政府推展警察改革的必要,首要就是落实皇家委员会建议设立的“独立警察违例行为投诉委员会”(Independent Police Complaints and Misconduct Commission,IPCMC),以及限制政治部的权力。

首相阿都拉上台允诺听真话推动革新,但并未实际纠正和废止过去压制性的举措与体制,相反的,近年新闻自由严重受压制,贪污腐败日益严重,民生困难,大道路费以及百物价格上涨,令人民怨声载道。首相不应再漠视民瘼,而应大刀阔斧推展改革,肃清腐败,才能令国家走向民主开放、和平繁荣的道路。

民权委员会主席
谢春荣

审视司法黑暗期,恢复司法独立

这项事件还涉及数起重大司法案件,可能妨碍司法独立审讯,无疑构成了连串的司法黑暗期,令司法独立机制严重受挫。各造应该极力关注这起事件,讨论重建司法独立、司法人员擢升合理机制议题。媒体及舆论应拥有最大的自由空间去议论这项议题。

为了挽救司法公信力,首席大法官阿末法魯斯应该立即辞职。政府也应成立仲裁庭调查这起司法丑闻,以便传召丑闻中点名涉及的现任旅游部长东姑安南(前首相署部长兼巫统执行秘书)和著名企业家陈志远,调查是否涉及干预多个司法高职委任程序。而前首相马哈迪也应向仲裁庭供证,并向国人解释他在整个事件中的角色。

上述对话丑闻中均谈到阿末法魯斯涉及的几项司法争议案件,因此有理由怀疑其审理的1995年前民主行动党国会议员黄朱强案件,以及2000年否决前副揆安华渎职上诉案,涉及不当内幕利益,妨害司法公正。法院应该重新审查这些案件,以重振司法制度的公信力。

在野党人民公正党勇于揭发真相,2002年8分钟26秒影片的司法丑闻对话已公诸于世,世人皆亲睹此司法黑幕,然而首相阿都拉仍未明确表态正视,而主流媒体也相应低调处理。政府不应再自欺欺人,回避此事件。

上述司法丑闻暴露了我国长久以来的司法制度缺失。民权委员会就此响应律师公会、国民醒觉运动等民间团体的号召,呼吁成立独立委员会检视近20年来的司法黑暗期,以便重建司法独立。其中最重要的是,检视司法体制受破坏的根源,即1988年的司法危机。当时,马哈迪政府面临党争危机,修宪删除了联邦宪法121(1)条款中“司法权”字眼,导致3名法官被革职。另外,也应重新调查前高庭法官艾迪(Syed Ahmad Idid)撰写的投诉信,指12名法官涉及112项贪污及滥权行径。

民权委员会主席
谢春荣

警方应坦诚面对批评,吁修法捍卫集会权利

警察视宪法如无物,究于《1987年警察(修正)法令》赋予警方过大权力以限制言论、结社与集会自由。民权委员会呼吁警方立即释放两位扣留犯;并呼吁阿都拉政府即刻着手修改该法令中侵蚀基本人权的第26条(关于设置路障事项)、27条(关于集会事项)、 30条(关于特定场所发声及文宣品规定)。

警方在推事庭要求延长扣留的理由是两人涉嫌煽动种族情绪,民权委员会对这项指控感到震惊。两位新山人民之声成员拟在集会现场分派的是促请成立“警方投诉和不当行为独立调查委员会” 的传单。这原是皇家调查委员会调查报告的建议,警方却冠以煽动种族的罪名,简直是不可理喻。我们希望警方审慎及专业地处理社会异议,而不是以不负责任的政治人物口吻把公共议题种族化,转移社会大众对于犯罪率上升的关注。

警方打击罪犯不力,却有余力起诉行使基本人权的公民,委实令人遗憾。凡此种种,印证了《“加强大马皇家警察操作与管理” 皇家调查委员会报告书》中所指出的警队缺乏能力、滥权及缺乏人权意识。即使如此,目前公众仍没有一个有效的管道投诉警队的种种滥权舞弊行为。民权委员会冀望阿都拉政府尽速完成“警方投诉和不当行为独立调查委员会”法案的研究,提交国会辩论通过,作为我国独立50周年的最好礼物。

国内安全部需要加强警队的人权教育工作,确保警察的日常操作符合人权标准。除此之外,国内安全部长阿都拉应该言行一致,履行公共服务高效率的承诺,为警察部队设定关键绩效指标(KPI),每半年检讨扑灭罪行绩效和警队效率并提交国会辩论。

民权委员会
主席谢春荣